Disorder dissected (i): the inversion of the gender order

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
Power And Influence

This chapter examines the inversion of the gender order in the Henry VI plays. The plays show a good deal of this disorder stemming from women either aspiring to get or else successfully climbing ‘on top’. This process can be seen quite clearly—in the first half of part II—in the pairing of the duchess of Gloucester with Queen Margaret, and throughout both plays in the progression of Queen Margaret from ambitious and unfaithful wife and subject to faction leader, warrior and ruler, until finally she becomes the virtual personification of violent revenge pursued for its own sake. From the outset, the play portrays both duchess and queen as disobedient, proud, and ambitious women, aspiring to a degree of power and influence first over their husbands, and then over the wider political system, far greater than anything a properly obedient and ordered woman and wife ought to aspire to.

scholarly journals Power, Patronage, and the Candidate-nomination Process: Observations from Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
General Acceptance ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.

Sir John Fortescue i narodziny angielskiej teorii konstytucyjnej

2021 ◽  
Vol 5(166) ◽  
pp. 133-159
Author(s):  
Tomasz Tulejski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Roman Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
The Social ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
The Relationship

Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of King Henry VI is the first writer to analyse the political system of England by referring to English political practice. Long before Montesquieu, he noticed the relationship between the political system and the social conditions of his country. Explaining the nature of the English constitution and law, he compare it with the political and legal devices of other countries. That is why he contrasts the systems based on Roman law with English common law. In the article, the author argues that the basis of the Fortescue’s reflection is the rejection of Roman law, because he defends the English political tradition against the continental concept of sovereignty.

Systems Analysis and Partisan Realignment

1978 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Chubb
Keyword(s):  
Systems Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Correlation Matrices ◽  
Electoral Change ◽  
Partisan Realignment ◽  
Seminal Article ◽  
Variance Approach ◽  
Cyclic Dynamic

Since the publication of V.O. Key’s seminal article, “A Theory of Critical Elections,” numerous scholars have worked to add theoretical depth and analytical sophistication to the study of critical elections. On the latter count, efforts have been ambitious and illuminating; on the former they largely have not. Typologies of elections and descriptions of electoral change have emerged from empirical analyses of aggregate vote data. A variety of techniques ranging from straight forwara t-tests to correlation matrices to a particularly rich analysis of variance approach have been employed to uncover patterns of electoral change. But while a good deal of descriptive, analytical headway has been made, the development of a theory of electoral change has lagged behind.What theoretical overtures have been made, generally regard critical elections both as the products of prolonged malfunctions in the political system and as the means by which the system begins to correct these malfunctions. According to this view, American electoral politics follows a cyclic dynamic. Critical elections mark the beginnings and the ends of adjoining periods (i.e., party systems) in a repeating cycle of stability, disequilibrium, and adjustment.

Political Viability, Contestation and Power: Islam and Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Freedman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.

Decisions and Nondecisions: An Analytical Framework

1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 632-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Bachrach ◽  
Morton S. Baratz
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
General Theory ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Gauge Model ◽  
Community Values ◽  
Community Decision ◽  
Power And Influence

In recent years a rich outpouring of case studies on community decision-making has been combined with a noticeable lack of generalizations based on them. One reason for this is a commonplace: we have no general theory, no broad-gauge model in terms of which widely different case studies can be systematically compared and contrasted.Among the obstacles to the development of such a theory is a good deal of confusion about the nature of power and of the things that differentiate it from the equally important concepts of force, influence, and authority. These terms have different meanings and are of varying relevance; yet in nearly all studies of community decision-making published to date, power and influence are used almost interchangeably, and force and authority are neglected. The researchers thereby handicap themselves. For they utilize concepts which are at once too broadly and too narrowly drawn: too broadly, because important distinctions between power and influence are brushed over; and too narrowly, because other concepts are disregarded—concepts which, had they been brought to bear, might have altered the findings radically.Many investigators have also mistakenly assumed that power and its correlatives are activated and can be observed only in decisionmaking situations. They have overlooked the equally, if not more important area of what might be called “nondecision-making”, i.e., the practice of limiting the scope of actual decisionmaking to “safe” issues by manipulating the dominant community values, myths, and political institutions and procedures. To pass over this is to neglect one whole “face” of power.

Germany as Europe’s reluctant hegemon

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Fratzscher
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
European Politics ◽  
The One ◽  
Power And Influence

Why does Germany perceive itself as a victim, even though it has dominated and defined European politics so strongly? Why does Germany feel so uncomfortable in its role as a de facto hegemon? As the largest country and the one with the strongest and largest economy in Europe and a stable political system, Germany’s power and influence have grown. Yet hardly anyone in Germany feels comfortable in this role, for it brings with it more responsibility for Europe as a whole. Europe is standing at the crossroads. What will Europe’s future look like? And what role does Germany have to play in it? These are some of the decisive questions that have been discussed in every country and especially in Berlin. If one thing is certain, it is that Germany’s role will be decisive for shaping Europe’s future.

Setting the Agenda in the U.S. Senate: A Theory of Problem Selection

1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack L. Walker
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Central Importance ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Problem Selection ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Power And Influence

The choice of issues for debate is of central importance in any political system. By deciding what they will decide about, legislators also establish the terms and the most prominent participants in debate and, ultimately, the distribution of power and influence in the society. As Schattschneider has pointed out:Political conflict is not like an intercollegiate debate in which the opponents agree in advance on a definition of the issues. As a matter of fact, the definition of the alternatives is the supreme instrument of power; the antagonists can rarely agree on what the issues are because power is involved in the definition. He who determines what politics is about runs the country, because the definition of alternatives is the choice of conflicts, and the choice of conflicts allocates power.

On the Likelihood of a Collapse of the Political System of the United States of America

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-107
Author(s):  
Stanislav Andreski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political System ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Past ◽  
American Capitalism ◽  
Rough Approximation ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Large Scope ◽  
Industrial Societies

Most of the current ills affect all the highly developed capitalist countries if not all industrial societies regardless of the type of structure. In the United States, however, these trends have assumed the most extreme forms for two circularly intertwined reasons: the first and more obvious being that American capitalism has developed fastest and furthest; while the second is that (in contrast to Britain, for instance) the American civilisation comprises hardly any pre-capitalist traditions or institutions which could contain and mollify the nefarious tendencies of unbridled capitalism, and prevent them from being pushed to their extremes. The absence of such restraints has permitted in the past an outstandingly vigorous development of capitalism, but in recent times the same factor has given an especially large scope to the self destructive tendencies of this system. Two thousand years ago Polybius put forth the view that any of the types of constitutions distinguished by Aristotle—that is, democracy, aristocracy and monarchy (i.e. autocracy)—is weak or even unviable in its pure form; and that the strongest and most long-lived form of government consists of a balanced mixture of these three pure types. As it stands this statement (as well as the concepts it contains) are debatable; but I am sure there is a good deal of truth in it, and that an analogous rough approximation could be made about the economic structures.

Taking the Census by Francis William Edmonds, 1854

Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Francis William Edmonds
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political System ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
Main Character ◽  
United States Census ◽  
George Washington ◽  
Democratic Political System

The United States Census of 1850 was the first such survey in this country to require that heads of households provide information on their dependents. The process of interrogation caused a good deal of confusion and inspired numerous jokes. Francis William Edmonds's amusing portrayal features a father making a painstaking effort (counting on his fingers) to give the whitebearded census taker his family statistics, while his giggling children hide from sight. A reviewer who saw the picture at the national Academy of Design exhibition in 1854 described the main character as a "farmer, rough and awkward, reckoning in brown study the number of the boys and girls, evidently more at home in the use of the ox-gad, which lies on the floor, than in figuring." The small portrait print of George Washington just above the father's head evokes not only the genesis of the country's democratic political system but also the by then legendary admonition never to tell a lie. With its carefully delineated interior based on prototypes from Dutch genre scenes, the composition reveals Edmonds at his finest, taking a common moment from the daily life of middle-class Americans and turning it into a moralizing and socially critical tableau.Information taken from http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/2006.457 on May 25, 2012

Endemic and Planned Corruption in a Monarchical Regime

1973 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Waterbury
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Power ◽  
Legal Restrictions ◽  
Normative Standards ◽  
Legal Sense ◽  
Power And Influence

Corruption may be defined in a legal or normative sense, and in some societies the two definitions may be coincident. In the legal sense, corruption is self-regarding behavior on the part of public functionaries that directly violates legal restrictions on such behavior. Normatively, a public functionary may be considered corrupt whedier or not a law is being violated in the process. A legally corrupt person may arouse no normative reprobation; a person judged corrupt by normative standards may be legally clean. What is common to both definitions is the notion of the abuse of public power and influence for private ends. It can safely be assumed that any society or political system manifests some level of one or the other, or both of these forms of corruption.

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