Czechs in Russia: Transformation of National Minorities and Problems of their Consolidation on the Territory of the State. 1920−1950s

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 202 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-733
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Szyszlak

The main objective of the article is to analyse the state of cultural security of the Uyghur minority. Due to the fundamental significance of identity and culture for the functioning of national minorities, it belongs from their perspective to the most crucial sectors of security, especially since a whole range of threats concerns it. The text uses the case study method, and the situation of the Uyghur minority in the People’s Republic of China has been chosen as an example. The following parts of the study define the terms used in the article, characterize the Uyghur minority, and indicate the most critical threats to its cultural security. These include the processes of migration together with the accompanying processes of urbanization and industrialization, the destruction of cultural heritage, threats in the area of culture and education, and dangers related to the state’s policy towards Islam and the potential radicalization of its Uyghur followers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-64
Author(s):  
Alina Zawada

This article discusses articles written by the Ukrainian journalist Ivan Kedryn-Rudnytsky, which were published in the journal Krakivs’ki Visti in the spring and summer of 1940. It was published by Ukrainians in German-occupied Cracow from 1940 to 1944 (until October), and later in Vienna. In his twenty-seven articles, the author discussed in detail the reasons which, in his opinion, led to the defeat of Poland in September 1939. In his deliberations he went back to the beginnings of the Second Polish Republic and analysed the system, politics, administration, foreign policy, policy towards national minorities, the state press strategy and actions taken by individual politicians. He was critical of people and phenomena, but based his judgments on facts. This article outlines his most important arguments and divides them into categories.


Author(s):  
Anastasiia Bedrata ◽  
◽  
Alina Nikolyuk ◽  

The article examines the historical development and the process of formation of criminal legislation of Ukraine, the commission of criminal offenses in the field of terrorism. A comparative analysis of the criminal codes of 1927 1960 and 2001 was carried out in terms of articles that establish responsibility for a terrorist act. The question of differentiation of terrorist crimes from other similar ones is considered. These issues are becoming increasingly important in connection with the escalation of tensions both at the national level and in the international arena, in particular: due to the growth of radical adherents of religion, opponents of the current government in different countries, individuals of traditional views. refuse to accept the liberalization and empowerment of national minorities. However, despite the rapid development of the popularity of this issue on a global scale, special attention in this article should be focused on the development of national regulations on the issue of defining the concept of terrorism. Outline the preventive actions that the state of Ukraine can take to prevent the spread of these crimes. The urgency of this issue in Ukraine is due to various factors, and in particular: the unstable economic situation in the country, which depresses citizens, trampling them on a criminal path for easy profit; It is also worth noting the unstable political situation in the state, which leads to the emergence of opposition-minded citizens who are unable to be heard peacefully. At rallies and protests are forced to resort to more radical manifestations of their political position. As a result of the research conducted in the article, it was established how the national criminal legislation developed in terms of terrorist crimes, analyzed the content, established what disadvantages and advantages can be found in the criminal codes of 1927 1960 and 2001, proposed options for improving the legislation, as well as Proposals for Changing the Hierarchy of Values during the development of the new Criminal Code, the draft of which has already been developed on its own initiative. Groups of lawyers and scholars in the field of law.


2019 ◽  
pp. 89-94
Author(s):  
Mykola Zhulynskiy

In the article, the scientist focuses on the goal of education – the formation of a leading strata of the Ukrainian people – intellectuals, the national elite. The article states that the national character is formed only by the national school. The purpose of education is defined - formation of the leading layer of the Ukrainian people - intellectuals, national elites. It is noted that a conscious volyn political elite was formed. In a systematic analysis of archival sources, the author notes that in the State Archives of Ternopil region (fund 351) you can learn about the teachers of the gymnasium: the director and teacher of Latin Sergey Ulianovich Milyashkevich, professor of general history, geography and Latin Andrei Kutsa, professor of Ukrainian language and literature Victor Gnazhevsky , teachers of religion (Yuriy Ivanitsky), natural sciences and arithmetic (Luka Skibinetsky), manual labor, calligraphy and drawing (Vasyl Doroshenko), French and German; (Katerina Milyashkevich), teacher of mathematics. Physics and Chemistry (Vasyl Kavun). Describing the preconditions for the emergence of Ukrainian gymnasiums in Volyn, the author notes that at that time in the late 1920's Volyn voivodship operated 1144 schools, of which 390 were late saturdays, 750 Polish and only 4 schools with Ukrainian language education. The state program of assimilation of national minorities (the Ukrainian minority in the Second Common Polish Commonwealth was the second largest national group after the Poles, accounting for about 15% of the total population) in Volhynia was through compulsory school education in the spirit of the Propolis ideology. At the same time, Ukrainians sought to uphold the right to open schools with their native language of instruction even in those areas where they were quantitatively prevailing. This was guaranteed to the Ukrainians by the Polish Constitution of 1921. (Articles 110-111), but in reality it was extremely difficult to achieve this. Even the opening of a Ukrainian private school required a lot of effort - only with the permission of the minister of religion and public education. Kremenets Gymnasium, as well as Lutsk, as well as Rivne (arose thanks to the "Enlightenment" of 1923), nourished the native language, professed Orthodox traditions, revered outstanding national figures, leaders of the nation. It is from this angle that the role of the Ukrainian Gymnasium in Kremenets is shown, along with similar gymnasia in Lutsk and Vinnitsa in the formation of the secular and spiritual national consciousness of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, who later worked on asserting the statehood, including in the UPA ranks, for the development of the Ukrainian national culture.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-312
Author(s):  
Liudmila Mikalayeva

Summary This article applies genre analysis to the state reports of fourteen countries in two first cycles of monitoring of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. Focusing on the packaging of information and modality (level of the word), sentence length and quoted speech (level of the sentence), and thematic filling (level of the text), the article checks for the effect of experience in reporting. While novice reporters in general display more ‘conservative’ stylistic choices than experienced reporters, convergence takes place with time, as reports become more formal in the second cycle. At the level of structure of the text, the high rate of non-compliance of experienced reporters with the structural–thematic prescriptions is contrasted with the very good compliance of novice reporters. This finding, which is puzzling if genre competence is confused with perfect formal compliance with genre norm, may be explained by the difference in the meaning of monitoring for different states.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Kateryna Haertel

Abstract This study looks into Ukraine’s minority politics after the Revolution of Dignity of 2014. It analyses the inclusivity of minority politics against three key parameters – institutional framework, dialogue mechanisms, and non-discriminatory policies. The research is conducted through an in-depth comparison analysis of minority politics of two post-revolutionary presidents – Petro Poroshenko (full term) and Volodymyr Zelenskyi (first two years). The conclusion is made that the political elites failed to drive an inclusive course towards ethno-linguistic minorities. The inclusivity along the three criteria has been provided impetus either on ad-hoc basis or not at all. On the level of policies, a regression can be observed. The underlying cause for the state not succeeding in achieving an inclusive minority course is that the two administrations had predominantly divergent motives for addressing this topic. As a result, the implementation of some inclusivity-oriented measures suffered and the minority-related discourse became highly politicized.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Aid Mršić ◽  
◽  
Larisa Softić-Gasal ◽  

The public service, which should be the guardian of the identity of national minorities, fell under the political pressure. In this way, it came out of the scope of its actions. Leading people in independent media believe that the role of the public service is crucial in protecting national minorities.But the media can not do it alone. First of all, the state must regulate, and respect what it has brought. With strong strategies and the inclusion of national minorities in all social trends, it is possible to achieve, not fully, but partially, the equality of all those who liveon the territory of BiH.On the other hand, the public service must respect what the state says. The Communications Regulatory Agency is obliged to impose rules in an adequate manner and at the same time to monitor how much the media (public service) meets its obligations.


Author(s):  
Helena Stranjik

There are numerous national minorities in Croatia supported by the state in their maintenance of minority languages, cultures and traditions. And many of these minorities with songs, dance and customs cherish their own literature, meaning poetry, prose, and drama written by their members in minority languages or in Croatian. These works are mostly known among members of the minorities, but sometimes it is difficult to find the way to readers of the majority of the population. An example of such a minority literature with a long tradition is literary creation of the Czech, who have been living in today’s Croatia for over two hundred years. Nowadays regularly or occasionally there are about thirty authors who write mostly in Czech, but to come to the readership, some of them have been translating their work into the Croatian language lately or leaving their mother tongue and starting to create in Croatian. Are Croatia’s minority works known and to what extent? What are the possibilities of writers using minority languages to publish their works? Why are minority literary works important, what can they offer to a broader readership and in what way can they enrich Croatian literature? How could they reach the majority population and could they wake up the interest beyond Croatian borders? And what difficulties do minority writers encounter? In the presentation, we will use the example of Czech minority literary works in Croatia to answer these and other issues related to minority literature emerging in Croatia, but remaining unknown to the Croatian public.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Alexey I. Mineev ◽  
Alexander Aidarov

Basing on the analysis of diverse sources and scientific literature the article examines the state policy of Estonia (former Republic of the USSR) in the field of preserving the culture of national minorities – Russia descents, as well as it determines the legislative norms for the support of national minorities in Russia and Estonia. Regulatory legal acts regulating the rights and activities of national minorities both in Russia and in other countries were studied for this purpose. Attempts to create a national cultural autonomy (NCA) in Estonia are described. The authors come to conclusions that the state policy of the former Republic of the USSR is aimed at preserving and developing languages, material and spiritual culture of the country’s multinational population. Schools, electives are opened, the Russian-language media and TV channels operate, and non-profit organizations function. If in 1989 there were 22 national culture associations registered in Estonia, in 2014 they numbered already more than 300. All this explains the fact that 86% of Russian speakers in Estonia do not see a threat to their language and identity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-46
Author(s):  
Gábor Egry

The concept of security and the security culture of the state are always social constructs reflecting the outcome of interactions between state and society. Key categories of security, like dangerous social groups and activities are usually negotiated through these interactions. Politicians, secret agents, gendarms, denunciators, journalists, or the indicted, all shape the broader social meaning in a dynamic way. While in Greater Romania the state attempted to extend its control to ever broader segments of society in order to fend off perceived threats it had to rely on its own personnel and on people who cooperated in this effort, creating room for maneuver for everyone involved in this process. Due to its scarce resources the state could not even control entirely its own representatives, who often pursued a personal agenda different from the state’s own goals. Irredentism, associated with ethnic minorities exemplifies this situation quite well. In an effort to preempt any threat from national minorities with a kin-state gradually led to the association of irredentism with ethnicity, without having control over the latter’s exact meaning. Thus, its practical application depended on a series of factors, personal and structural ones, that finally led to a confusion and to the emptying of the concept that was applied without consistency. It was exactly this development that reconstituted the gap between state and society that actively engaged each other in the resulting process of negotiation. Under the surface of the rule of law and against the backdrop of the image of an ever more powerful state security apparatus, state and society defined together those informal rules of everyday co-existence that were often meant to hide reality from the watchful eyes of Bucharest.


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