Democratic care ‘for all’ and trade-offs: the public solution, civil society and the market

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-89
Author(s):  
Helena Olofsdotter Stensöta

Scholarly discussions on the political power of care and care ethics have considered democratic notions such as how care recipients can make their voices heard, but the problem has recently been expanded to include how care needs can be met in a manner consistent with democratic commitments to justice, equality and freedom for all, which addresses equal access to care. Assessing the possibilities to meet this requirement shows different trade-offs in civil society, the market and publicly funded solutions. It seems that the ideals of care ethics, such as democratic access to care, sit more comfortably with publicly funded care.

Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


2018 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Sérgio Silva Borges

RESUMOEste artigo busca analisar a potência política das ruas. Aborda-se, à luz de mobilizações políticas contemporâneas, a transformação de espaços do cotidiano social em recurso para a ação política. Este é o objetivo do texto, analisar, com base em episódios do ciclo de protestos recentes, a exemplo das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, no Brasil, o poder das ruas, sua potência política e a conexão existente entre essas arenas e os espaços de decisão. Acredita-se que certas manifestações políticas transformam logradouros públicos em espaços políticos abertos. Nesse sentido, fez-se uma breve discussão sobre o debate contemporâneo a respeito do espaço público para delinear uma distinção entre esse e o espaço político aberto e problematizar as condições pelas quais espaços de sociabilidade transformam-se em espaços de conflito e ação. Procurou-se, através de um levantamento empírico, explicitar a tensão entre as instituições e as ruas, bem como a potência política dessa última. Notar-se-á que diferentes manifestações políticas criam tipos ou subcategorias de espaços políticos. Palavras-chave: Espaço político; Potência política; Tensão democrática. ABSTRACTThis paper aims to analyze the potential political power of the streets. The approach, in the light of contemporary political mobilizations, is the transformation of social everyday spaces into a resource for political action. This text analyzes the power of the streets based on the cycle of recent protests in Brazil, such as the Journeys of June 2013, as well as their political power and the connection between these arenas and the spaces of decision. It is assumed that certain political manifestations turn public places into open political spaces. In this sense, a brief discussion was made on the contemporary debate about the public space to delineate a distinction between the public space and the open political space in order to problematize the conditions by which spaces of sociability become spaces of conflict and action. Through an empirical survey, it is attempted to explain the tension between institutions and the streets, as well as their the political power. It will be noted that different political manifestations create types or subcategories of political spaces.Keywords: Political space; Political power; Democratic tension.


2020 ◽  
pp. 187-206
Author(s):  
Suvi Aho ◽  
Juha Hämäläinen ◽  
Arto Salonen

This chapter studies community engagement policies in the era of populism in Finland. Finland, although performing excellently in international comparisons of social cohesion, has seen the steepest decrease in the level of trust in the government among all the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries during the past decade. At the same time, right-wing populist rhetoric has strengthened and the populist movement has established its support in the political spectrum. To transform Finnish democracy, participatory programmes have been created in order to reach out and engage different groups to join community development practices. These efforts stem both from the public authorities and the renewed Finnish Local Government Act of 2017, as well as from projects undertaken by civil society organisations (CSOs). Further, there is a long tradition of building civil society in Finland, which has often been based on the unique Finnish liberal adult education system. Yet growing inequality is currently deepening the polarisation in political participation. The chapter then explores the ways of countering the polarisation and populism by supporting the political capabilities of communities and nurturing deliberative discussion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Safwat Al-Rousan ◽  
Mohammed Al-Rousan ◽  
Yousef Al-Shurman

<p>This study aimed at investigating the concept of national identity and its constituents as perceived by Jordanian youth. Its main question is about the identity we have nowadays. The study sought to understand and analyze the concept of identity and its subjective and objective constituents through the identification of the perceptions of Jordanian youth of the identity by realizing its constituents, following the approach of social field studies and through some simple statistical analyses based on a sample which consisted of (250) young university people. They were asked about national identity and its most prominent constituents through the method of international sample. After analyzing the results, the study concluded the following:</p> <p><strong>First</strong>:   Jordanian youth consider identity as the perception of membership to both Jordan and the tribe and devotion to the political regime as being the protector of this identity and its connection with their living place and way of upbringing.</p> <p><strong>Second</strong>: The most prominent constituent of identity is the regional dimension with (62%), followed by the national dimension (21%), and finally the religions dimension (17%).</p> <p><strong>Third</strong>: The study concluded the result that there is confusion among Jordanian youth in regard to the constituents of identity, its local and national concept and the degree of perception.</p> <p>The study recommended the necessity for the preparation of joint programs between the public sector and the institutions of civil society in order to create common distributors within the Jordanian collective sensation for one identity that reinforces membership to both society and identity simultaneously.</p>


Author(s):  
Dorothy J. Weaver

To read Matthew’s Gospel within the global context is to read this narrative vis-à-vis the urgent challenges facing the global community. One such challenge concerns the exercise of political power within the public arena. Throughout his narrative Matthew paints a vivid portrait of the political power brokers of Jesus’ world and the unsavoury methods that they use to achieve their goals. He also offers graphic depictions of political power as wielded by those in authority. This study examines Matthew’s narrative portrait of the first-century authorities, Roman and Jewish, who exercised power in Palestine and beyond. Part one depicts these authorities and their methods of exercising political power. Part two assesses the relative effectiveness of such uses of power in Matthew’s depiction. Part three points toward Matthew’s contrasting portrait of positive leadership patterns. Part four assesses Matthew’s narrative rhetoric as a tool for fruitful refl ection on the use of political power.


Legal Studies ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The pursuit of security as a matter of domestic policy stands high on the political agenda of many Western nations and is a booming area of private investment. This repays close attention to what is meant when the concept of security is invoked as a justification of public policy or private practice. This paper examines the various meanings and differing constructions of security as a negative or positive presence, as a material or symbolic good, as a public good or private service, and as a response to external or internal threats. It observes how the language of security is differentiated also according to local legal cultures and calls for comparative analysis of the meaning and usage of the term in different jurisdictions. It suggests some possible differences in the structural arrangements for the pursuit of security that arise from differing relationships among the state, private sector and civil society. And it concludes by mapping out some apparent variants on the public-private divide that might profitably inform comparative analysis of the practices, as opposed to the rhetoric, of security.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Galang Geraldy

The background of complex socio-economic issues became the lighter of the political revolution of openness and deliberation in Bojonegoro district. The Sobo Pendopo Dialogue, initiated since the election of Kang Yoto-Kang Hartono in the 2008 election, is the start to disseminating the practice of the political revolution of openness. On that basis, the consistency of local democratization during one windu brings world appreciation through Open Government Partnership 2016. Dialogue Sobo Pendopo, in a dialectical discourse of liberal and substantial democracy, breaks down liberal assumptions that include economic and social capital as a prerequisite to the nature of democracy. Departure from that, Dialog Sobo Pendopo in the analysis through exploration theory of deliberation democracy. The concept of political participation, public space and civil society becomes the blueprint for the deliberation context of democracy in Dialog Sobo Pendopo. The research method is qualitative with grounded theory type. The presence of Sobo Dialogue Pendopo which enhances the development of the degree of local democracy, the researchers believe that the public space can transform into a public body, where the institutionalization of civic politics legitimacy really becomes the main base in strengthening the role of civil society.Latar belakang persoalan sosial ekonomi yang kompleks menjadi pemantik revolusi politik keterbukaan dan deliberasi di Kabupaten Bojonegoro. Dialog Sobo Pendopo, yang digagas sejak ketepilihan Kang Yoto-Kang Hartono dalam pilkada tahun 2008 ini, menjadi pintu dalam mendiseminasi praktik revolusi politik keterbukaan. Atas dasar itu, konsistensi demokratisasi lokal selama satu windu membawa apresiasi dunia melalui Open Government Partnership 2016. Dialog Sobo Pendopo, secara dialektika wacana demokrasi liberal dan substansial, mematahkan asumsi-asumsi liberal yang menyertakan modal ekonomi dan sosial sebagai prasyarat menuju hakikat demokrasi. Berangkat dari hal tersebut, Dialog Sobo Pendopo di analisa melalui eksplorasi teori demokrasi deliberative yang diinterpretasi konsep partisipasi politik, ruang publik dan civil society. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan tipe grounded theory. Kehadiran Dialog Sobo Pendopo yang meningkatkan perkembangan derajat demokrasi lokal, peneliti meyakini ruang publik tersebut dapat bertransformasi menjadi badan publik, dimana kelembagaan legitimasi politik kewargaan benar-benar menjadi basis utama dalam memperkuat peranan civil society.Keyword: The Sobo Pendopo Dialogue, Deliberation Democracy, Bojonegoro District


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 120-130

The study aims to analyze a multidimensional perspective of holidays and how they get to be part of the process of legitimation of political power. Being the space of the exceptional and relaxation, the public holidays are meant to «remove» the individual from the daily and usual life and switch to another plan: at the show, the grandeur and ceremony fixed to certain symbols and rituals that contribute to group cohesion. Therefore, in certain historical eras, under different political regimes, but particularly, the totalitarian, the political power tried to wear of charms and symbolic atmosphere of holidays to legitimize the ideology, to promote new values and ideals, to strengthen the group over which it extends.


2019 ◽  
pp. 207-215
Author(s):  
Alexey Dmitriyev

The research was triggered by the opinions spreading in the contemporary academic literature, according to which the ideology of Russian freemasonry was associated with constitutionalism and Order of Illuminati, and the theory of public welfare was a formal rationale for the monarch’s unlimited power. The main goal of this research is analyzing the public welfare concepts in the teachings of Russian and foreign thinkers, as well as in provisions of acts and writings of Russian freemasons. The author uses methods of the history of notions and the intellectual history to analyze the links between F. Prokopovich’s, S. Pufendorf’s, V. N. Tatishchev’s, Y. F. Bilfeld’s and I. G. Justi’s ideas and provisions of freemasons’ charters and writings by Russian freemasons – A. P. Sumarokov, I. V. Lopukhin, I. A. Pozdeyev. The author’s core findings were as follows: public welfare is mostly understood as a merging of wills achievable on condition of realizing everyone’s welfare. The concept of public welfare includes the principle of a limited union between the authorities and the society, as well as the principle of fulfilling mutual obligations by the monarch and citizens (subjects), failing which the morals decline and the state falls. The study’s main conclusions illustrate that Russian freemasons adopted theoretical constructs of public welfare, mutual obligations of the monarch and the subjects (citizens), and the moral nature of will. Russian freemasons developed these ideas in their own works, interpreting them mainly in the conservative and protective vein. The political ideal of the Russian freemasonry is a single and indelible limited monarchy headed by an enlightened monarch whose authority of governing the civil society is limited by the natural law and the law of God.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

This chapter argues that incidents of transformative violence in the periphery fail to generate enough public revulsion to spark an open debate about how policing must change. Vulnerable individuals in the periphery lack the connections with civil society activists, mostly concentrated in urban areas, who would advocate for their rights. Many rural-based activists and NGOs call for a police overhaul in the aftermath of these episodes of transformative violence, but their voices are not as loud or as unified as those speaking about similar events in urban areas. The national leadership’s response to outbreaks of transformative violence in rural areas aims at closing the center’s governance gap where the public rebels against unpopular local authorities. As a result, the state moves to increase the political loyalty of the local police to the center under the pretense of police reform.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document