2. Making Decision Making More Democratic and Scientific Is an Important Part of Reform of the Political System

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-25
Author(s):  
Wan Li
1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion

THE DIVERSIFICATION IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION AND the growth of the political system have increased the number of instances of decision-making and intensified the relations between social and political forces. Parties and pressure groups are not enough in themselves to channel the interests, ideologies, and stresses, originating in the social system, into the political system. Nevertheless, during the last forty years, other, less familiar channels have broadened considerably and of these it is what we call the consultative councils which have made the greatest impact. So much has their importance grown in recent years that they must be considered as a mechanism of systemic interaction, comparable in weight to those of the pressure groups or parties. The consultative councils have, in fact, become a major cog in the political system and any attempt to exclude them is doomed to failure.


Author(s):  
D. B. Grafov

The article is about how pro-Israel and pro-China interest groups try to lobby on the ground of Capitol, White House and executive branch. The study of the lobbying results is based on «General theory of action» T. Parsons. It is concluded that for lobbying interests the main point will be the representation of the interests in the political and public spaces and the creating of advocacy and lobbying infrastructure. The ability of the Israeli lobby to achieve the goal can be explained, firstly, by political inclusion in the decision-making process, and, secondly, by almost axiomatic representation Israel interests through the national interests of the United States. The Israeli lobby can be considered as the religious lobby. It can use the possibilities of Jewish religious organizations in grass root action. Also this gives the opportunity to avoid the requirements of the LDA. From the point of view of the theory of Talcott Parsons, the success of the Israeli lobby is the cause of the action of a large number of actors that may form in large groups. Another advantage of the Israeli lobby is the ability of its members to get relevant information about the current situation in different spheres of political life in the U.S. The objective of the present study was to reveal the ways in which China lobby succeeds. The influence of China lobby on decision-making process in the United States can be explained through strong economic ties between American corporations and the Chinese market. When lobbying China uses numerous Chinese Diaspora in many States, as well as trying to interest of the former high-ranking American officials, granting them special privileges for doing business in China. In comparison to the Israeli lobby, the Chinese lobby has weaknesses. Chinese interest groups are not included in the political system of the USA and this is the disadvantage of the Chinese way of lobbying. Unlike Israel lobby Chinese one is external. The interests of the chinese pressure groups do not coincide with American national interests. Their actors are not rooted in the American political system.


Author(s):  
Renáta Mikešová ◽  
Tomáš Kostelecký

Election laws regulate the number of deputies who are elected in individual electoral districts, and set them in relation to the population, respectively to the number of voters participating in elections in individual regions. Elected deputies could thus be regarded as political representatives of citizens living in electoral districts. However, under systems of proportional representation, current deputies represent the ideology of the party to which they belong rather than the region. Nevertheless, it makes sense to study the spatial distribution of the places of origin and residence of members of parliament and their changes over time, because it suggests much about the political system and the system of representative democracy in the country. The spatial distribution of places of residence of candidates and elected members indicates not only the territorial proportionality and geographic representativeness, but also the shifting centers of political power. The analysis clearly confirms the gradual decentralization and regionalization of political power in the country, which stands in contrast to the centralization of power in the economy, this latter trend apparent from the concentration of economic management and decision-making in the largest cities, especially in Prague.


Author(s):  
Wissam Saleh Abdul-Hussein Jassim Al-Rub

The Iranian Constitution of 1979 and the amendment of 1989 considered the Supreme Leader of the Iranian Islamic Revolution the most powerful institution in influence and presence in the political system. The guide, directly or indirectly, through the agencies operating under his administration, and here we say that the political vision of the wali al-Faqih governs its authority over all the perceptions of decision-makers in their formulation and implementation of strategic decisions that achieve the goals of the Iranian regime at home and abroad.


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont

This essay focuses on recent proposals to confer decisional status upon deliberative mini-publics such as citizens' juries, Deliberative Polls, and citizens' assemblies. Against such proposals, I argue that inserting deliberative mini-publics into political decision-making processes would diminish the democratic legitimacy of the political system as a whole. This negative conclusion invites a question: which political uses of mini-publics would yield genuinely democratic improvements? Drawing from a participatory conception of deliberative democracy, I propose several uses of mini-publics that could enhance the democratic legitimacy of political decision-making in current societies.


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe

The Belgian political system is generally portrayed as being closed for outsiders. In this article we ascertain how the system responded to the challenge of the new social movements. The Belgian political elite developed a response strategy, based on thematical openness and actorial closure. The issues of the new social movements were admitted on the political agenda, but the movements themselves were excluded from access to the decision making process. Only those actors were allowed which were willing to accomodate themselves to the traditional elite consensus, based on neo-corporatism, pillarisation and a politically passive population.  Confronted with this elite strategy, the new social movements were able to fulfil their agenda function (bringing new issues on the political agenda), but they had little opportunity for introducing new cultural codes into the political decision making process. This lack of innovation enhances the legitimation crisis of the Belgian political system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 52-72
Author(s):  
V. M. Polterovich

The article examines the crisis of modern Western democracy. It is noted that the important causes of the crisis are slowing down of economic growth and deepening inequality in developed countries. It is shown that inter-party competition inevitably generates a mechanism of degradation of moral norms in the political sphere and reduction of the political system efficiency. These processes have intensified dramatically as a result of the spread of the Internet. They contributed to the reduction of citizens’ participation in political life and at the same time to the ochlocratization of the political system. It is shown as well that a number of transformations taking place in the Western countries are aimed at improvement of interaction mechanisms between the state and society and contribute to overcoming the crisis. These include expanding the role of parliamentary committees, increasing the number of parties, largescale reforms of public sector governance basing on collaboration. In this context, the experience of e-platforms and the possibilities of institutional collaborative platforms are analyzed. The concept of collaborative democracy is proposed, based on the analysis of the trends studied. The mechanism for collaborative democracy should ensure greater choice and broader direct participation of citizens in decision-making, control the costs of political competition and maintain ethical standards, prevent ochlocratization and improve governance. Contours of this mechanism are outlined. It is based on the use of a proportional electoral system of a special type, a system of expert councils and collaborative platforms for public decision-making, as well as on the implementation of decision-making rules close to consensus. The significance of these conclusions for Russia is discussed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 148-157
Author(s):  
BEHAR SELIMI

The political system of Kosovo belongs to the power sharing democracies. Indeed, it has all the characteristics of Consociational Democracy. In addition to that, minority veto rights are absolute and go above the aims of this type of democracy. As it is designed in current Constitutional arrangements, even a single word of Constitution can’t be changed without minorities’ vote. This is different from other Consociational Democracies, where minorities are entitled with selected veto power only regarding their vital interests, but they cannot block constitutional decision-making. Since Kosovo is among the youngest countries worldwide, this constitutional provision can be a heavy obstacle even in the state building efforts of majority.  Therefore, in this article we will try to explain in depth this constitutional arrangement versus principles of sharing power systems and versus similar democracies in the region and wider. The doctrinal constitutional interpretation, descriptive and comparative methods are the main pillars of research methodology.


Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 328 ◽  
pp. 109-151
Author(s):  
Leonard Górnicki

Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic: position within the political system, organisational structure and decision-makingEstablished one hundred years ago, the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic initiated and prepared draft legislation dealing with private, criminal, substantive and procedural law as well as the judiciary and the legal profession. The Commission served as de facto legislator, that is lawmaker in the sociological sense, for it had a genuine impact on the content and form of legislative acts.In the article the author analyses the position of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic within the legal system, on which opinions differ in the literature on the subject. He defends the thesis that is was a central state institution, the existence of which was not, however, coordinated with the political system of the Second Polish Republic. Next, he investigates the impact of the transformations of the organisational structure and decision-making methodology on the efficiency of the Commission’s codification process. He takes into account the management and administration of the Codification Commission, organisation of work in Departments, Sections Subsections, Subcommittees, role of the delegates of the Minister of Justice and delegates of ministries, finally — decision-making mechanisms, including adoption of drafts as well as work in the Sections Subsections and Subcommittees. The author concludes that the experiences of the Second Polish Republic’s Codification Commission, a central state institution of advisory nature, established for an indefinite period, demonstrate that the best solution is to entrust codification to a special, apolitical and expert codification commission, operating with a degree of independence, of internal autonomy. Within such a commission a more effective mode of operation is preparation of drafts by teams of several people and then consultation of these drafts by larger bodies.Die Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik: institutionelles System, organisatorische Struktur, EntscheidungenDie Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die vor hundert Jahren entstandt, hat Entwürfe von Rechtsakten aus dem Bereich des Privat- und Strafrechts des Sachen- und Verfahrensrechtes sowie betreffend die Struktur der Gerichte und der Anwaltschaft eingeleitet und vorbereitet. Sie war praktisch ein Gesetzgeber, also soziologisch gesehen ein Rechtgeber, denn sie hatte einen realen Einfluss auf den Inhalt der Rechtsakten und die Bestimmung ihrer formellen Gestalt.Der Autor analysiert zuerst den staatsrechtlichen Rahmen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, der in der Fachliteratur verschieden gesehen wird. Er verteidigt die These, dass die Kommission eine zentrale staatliche Institution war, deren Bestehen mit dem strukturellen System der Zweiten Polnischen Republik jedoch nicht koordiniert war. Dann untersucht er den Einfluss der Umwandlungen der Organisationsstruktur und der Methodik der Entscheidungen auf die Effektivität des Prozesses der Kodifikation des Rechts durch die Kodifikationskommission. Er berücksichtigt also die Führungsorgane und die Verwaltung der Kodifikationskommission, die Organisation der Arbeit in den Abteilungen, Sektionen Untersektionen und Unterkommissionen, die Rolle der Abgeordneten des Justizministers und der Abgeordneten der Ministerien, und zum Schluss die Mechanismen der Entscheidungen, darunter die Beschließung der Entwürfe und die Arbeit in den Sektionen Untersektionen sowie in den Unterkommissionen.Der Autor kommt zum Schluss, dass die Erfahrungen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die eine für unbestimmte Zeit berufene, zentrale staatliche Organisation eines beratenden Charakters war, bewiesen haben, dass die beste Lösung wäre, eine speziell dazu berufene, apolitische Fachkodifikationskommission, die über gewisse Selbständigkeit und interne Autonomie verfügen würde, mit der Kodifikation des Rechts zu beauftragen. Im Rahmen einer solchen Kommission stellt eine Arbeitsgruppe, die aus ein paar Personen besteht, die Entwürfe zuerst vorbereitet und sie erst später breiteren Gremien zur Konsultation vorlegt, ein effektiveres Modell dar.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-125
Author(s):  
Ádám Nyerges

The subject of the present study is an examination of the activities of two governments with a two-thirds parliamentary majority. For the past 10 years, it has been these governments with two closed cycles of government that have had the authority to structurally transform the Hungarian political system without the involvement of the opposition. The study will also present the measures taken over the first hundred days, as well as, to a lesser extent, the political environment of each government and the predestined goals. The summary also highlights some similarities and differences in the speed and quality of government work and its decision-making, which requires a qualified majority.


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