Citizenship, civil war and welfare: the making of modern Ireland

Author(s):  
Robert Pinker

In this chapter, Robert Pinker examines how civil war influences T.H. Marshall's hypothesis that the civil, political and social rights of citizenship developed under conditions of peace. Using the examples of Ireland and Northern Ireland, Pinker discusses the conditions in which the advancement of welfare or well-being is likely to be seriously disrupted by focusing on Marshall's theory of citizenship and welfare. Marshall describes three key elements in the status of citizenship: civil rights, political rights and social rights. Pinker traces the history of the often conflictual relationship between England and Ireland in order to address a gap in Marshall's theory of citizenship and welfare, rendering it open to criticism. He suggests that civil wars ‘are not fought over the conventional issues of social welfare. Ordinary people are not prepared to kill or be killed in the cause of better social services’.

Author(s):  
Robert Pinker

In this chapter, Robert Pinker introduces the three institutional features which have come to make up citizenship — civil rights, political rights and social rights — by analysing T.H. Marshall's concept of citizenship from a generational perspective. He first considers Marshall's models of citizenship and ‘democratic welfare capitalism’, Michael Oakeshott's views on social policy and his notion of the state, and Max Weber's distinction between what he calls ‘formal’ and ‘substantive’ rationality. Pinker then explains how Marshall's concept of citizenship could be useful in understanding the everyday and subjective experience of citizenship at the level of everyday ‘life across the life cycle’. He also discusses the ways in which ordinary people secure their well-being and their welfare in everyday life, typically through means such as social services, the market, informal care and voluntary action. Finally, he describes the relationship between rationality and the sentiments of charitable discretion.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Gran

AbstractChildren's rights continue to be subject of international debates. Moving past these debates can be facilitated with an international measure of children's rights. This article introduces the Children's Rights Index, an international measure of children's rights for over 190 countries. The Children's Rights Index consists of two civil rights, two political rights, two social rights, and two economic rights. This article presents country scores on the Children's Rights Index, then examines whether children's rights vary by region and other differences, such as country wealth. It is hoped that the Children's Rights Index will provide evidence on children's rights important to the work of governments and nongovernmental organizations, as well as scholars and others concerned about children's welfare.


Author(s):  
M.M.A. ABDULLAH

The Spiritual, political, economic, and social rights of women are discussed at various levels. However, violence and oppression against women continue to increase. The charisma of Islam on women's rights is very strong. Thus, the study aimed at examining the concept of Islam in respect of women with the help of its primary sources, Holy Quran, and al-Hadith. Based on the review of the earlier literatures, the study was conducted with the analysis of the research articles, books and internet information on feminism along with information on the spiritual, social, economic and political rights of women found in the primary sources of Islam, classical Islamic literatures and the written works of modern Muslim scholars. The major finding of this study is that although the primary sources of Islam have a history of more than 1400 years, Islam has given proper guidelines for the complete guarantee of women's rights in the modern world and women have enjoyed them in the early Muslim community. This study will be a supportive to future studies based on the concept of Islam on women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-119
Author(s):  
Vladislav Tolstykh

The author claims that the concept of human rights arose on European soil as a result of certain cultural, political, and economic factors. Its primary base is formed by Christian ideas, secularized with the dissolution of feudalism and the spread of capitalism. In particular, this concept synthesized the Christian ideas of God’s likeness of man and the omnipresence of God: being god-like, man, like God, may be present in all things, though not in all at once. The main beneficiary was the bourgeoisie, who used personal rights to destroy feudal institutions, political rights to establish control over the state, and economic and social rights to mitigate class contradictions and distract their opponents. The religious origin of rights is the key to understanding their important features such as the absence of logical basis for human rights; helplessness of the law in front of acts that undermine the foundations of order and are marked as acts of self-realization; extraordinary diversity of rights, etc. There are several directions of human rights criticism (conservative, moderateliberal, Marxist and Christian). All of them assume that human rights neither adequately reflect human nature, nor take into account some of its aspects. Indeed, man is not only an individual seeking to choose, but also a member of a collective who needs a recognition (conservatism); a being alienated from labor and racial life (Marxism); a believer seeking to avoid sin (early Christianity) and obedient to divine will (Islam); a being who suffers from constant suffering and seeks to be saved from it (Buddhism); a victim of civilization, oppressed by the flow of information and the need for constant choice This inadequacy entails a destructive effect: the concept of rights creates a monochrome picture, on which, the human existence is reduced to act of will; gives rise to logical contradictions; destroys reality, monopolizing the axiological basis of cooperation; is used as a tool of submission and domination; creates an absolute justa causa; alienates from existence and forms the basis for other levels of the mythological structure. The history of human rights is not complete: It seems that today humanity is on the eve of fundamental transformations, whose content and final result are difficult to predict.


Author(s):  
Karen Pechilis

Gender and spirituality are both terms that signify alterity, especially a critique of established social conventions, including conventions of disciplining personhood on the basis of gender classifications and according to doctrinal and ritual patterns of organized religion. To be aware of gender as a hierarchical system is a modern phenomenon; “spirituality” has a much longer history of use and was generated from within organized religion, though its evolution increasingly marked it as a perspective distinct from, and necessitating the evaluative intervention of, official religious channels. Developing through a confluence of interest in Western esotericism, Transcendentalism, Theosophy, the German Romantics, and Asian traditions in the early 20th century, spirituality as a cultural concept and practice was poised to respond to widespread late modern questioning of received social modes, especially in terms of defining oneself. Contesting theoretical predictions of society’s secularization but supporting those of the “subjective turn,” late modern spirituality groups, especially those inspired by feminism, civil rights, and gay rights, valorized marginalized bodies and their distinctive experiences, creating new paths of spiritual expression in which personal experience in the context of group affirmation was foregrounded. Postmodern ideas on the fluidity of gender further contributed to the voices of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and queer) people who critiqued residual gender binaries operative in some New Age spiritualities and provided new arguments for social inclusivity in spirituality groups and in the wider society. What characterizes spirituality into the 21st century is the “turn to holism,” in which a wide variety of methods are promoted as leading to a holistic sense of the well-being of body and spirit. Diverse practices include Kirlian aura photography, Johrei Fellowship healing, tarot cards, shiatsu massage, acupressure, aromatherapy, kinesiology, and yoga, leading some scholars to critique the spirituality climate as a neoliberal capitalist “spiritual marketplace.” Others view it as a generative opportunity for seeking and bricolage construction of the self that has transformative potential for both self and society.


Author(s):  
Camille Walsh

Chapter One introduces the early history of taxpayer civil rights litigation against segregated and unequal education from the post-Civil War era until the turn of the twentieth century. In these 19th century cases and opinions, there was a continual assertion of a legal identity as taxpayers by families of color, and this chapter traces the way taxpayer citizenship became linked to the idea of a right to education in these families' arguments and claims, and even occasionally in the judges' opinions. Nonetheless, even the victories in many of these segregation cases were in name only, as plaintiffs of color continued to struggle without adequate remedy after courts granted a superficial nod to their taxpayer claims.


Eighteenth-century Iran is of central significance to the modern history of the country, but as a field of study it has been neglected. It was a century of revolt, war, political disorder, anarchy and lawlessness, disruption of trade, economic collapse, famine, emigration, and general misery. It has been estimated that the population of the country fell from around 9 million at the beginning of the century to perhaps 6 million at the end. In the 1720s it seemed likely that Iran would disappear altogether, partitioned between her neighbours. Within a few years the country surged back to make a bid for regional dominance under the military genius Nader Shah, but lapsed again into civil war after his untimely death in 1747. The civil wars lasted almost until the end of the century, albeit with an interlude of relative calm and good governance under Karim Khan Zand. In 1796, after more civil wars, Agha Mohammad Shah had himself crowned as the first monarch of the Qajar dynasty, which would last until 1925. This book brings together the best scholarship available on many disputed and controversial aspects of this crucially formative period of Iranian history.


Author(s):  
Harold D. Morales

Chapter 1 introduces the history of Islamic Spain and the remembrance of it by the first Latino Muslim group in the United States, la Alianza Islámica, the Islamic Alliance. Although there have been several recorded instances of individual Latinos embracing Islam since the 1920s, no direct historical link exists between Muslims in Spain and Latino Muslims in the United States. Instead, the memory of Islamic Spain has been used to frame Latinos as historically connected to Islam rather than completely foreign to it. Additionally, the Alianza drew from other civil rights organizational models to develop several centers in New York where they worked to propagate Islam, provide social services, and engage in political activism. Additionally, the Alianza experienced marginalization from broader Muslim organizations and sought to develop autonomously from them. Through its unique origin histories and various activities, the Alianza helped to crystalize a first wave of Latino Muslims.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-119
Author(s):  
Gustav Auernheimer

Abstract This article is dealing with an important chapter in the history of Greece that has hitherto received very little attention by the German research community: the Greek civil war from 1947 to 1949, whose consequences left their mark on the Greek society for a long time. The topic has to be addressed through its classification in two contexts. First in a historical context that comprises the past history and foremost the conflicts without which the armed struggle probably would not have erupted. This also includes the posthistory and the dealings with the civil war in the memory culture and politics of history, from the 1950s to the present time. A comparison with a, in some respects, similar development concerning the Spanish civil war further examines the Greek example. The second context is a theoretical one. Although research rather tends to neglect civil wars vis-a-vis wars between states, there numerous approaches to the topic of civil wars, some of which are dealt with in this article. The summary examines to which degree they apply in the case of Greece.


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