Identity, difference and citizenship: a fraying tapestry?

Author(s):  
Daniel Edmiston

Liberal citizenship is often critiqued for its failure to recognize and accommodate heterogeneous identities and social differences. Amidst rising structural inequality and an increasingly bifurcated system of ‘poor’ and ‘rich’ citizenship, this chapter illustrates how the tensions arising between citizenship status and identity politics are aggravated by the asymmetrical effects of welfare austerity. The chapter starts by exploring how gender, ethnicity and race differentially structure the lived experiences of ‘poor’ and ‘rich’ citizens. By drawing on a number of examples from qualitative fieldwork, I explore how gender affects experiences of single parenthood and the relations between racial inequality and residential segregation. Within the context of welfare austerity, the warp of citizenship and the weft of contemporary identity politics have begun to unravel with those failing to fulfil the ideals of neoliberal citizenship increasingly alienated from the equality of status notionally guaranteed through collective membership. As a result, those experiencing socio-material marginality lack the discursive resources and means of collective identification to engage in sustained political struggle for their identity, rights and recognition. This significantly affects the political subjectivity of marginalised citizens and their engagement with citizenship structures in a way that stifles the progressivity of welfare politics.

Al'Adalah ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fajar Shodik ◽  
Muhammad Faiz ◽  
Hasbi Sen

Artikel ini berusaha untuk mengkaji prinsip-prinsip politik kebangsaan Said Nursi (1877-1960 M) yang ia praktikkan di Turki, yakni dengan memilih jalan perjuangan politik secara kultural. Wujud perjuangan-nya adalah dengan dakwah keimanan dan pengungkapan hakikat alquran serta menghindari politik identitas atau politisasi agama demi kepentingan-kepentingan politik yang sesaat dan sektarian serta mengorbankan kepentingan umat Islam secara umum. Kajian ini mencoba menganalisa prinsip-prinsip politik Nursi seperti asas tauhid, musyawarah, kebebasan, persamaan, keadilan, serta nilai-nilai yang mendasarinya. Kajian ini mendapati bahwa pandangan politik kebangsaan Said Nursi ia implementasikan dalam dakwah Risalah Nur yang selalu mengedepankan al-‘amal al-ijabi (aksi positif) dan meng-hindarkan aksi destruktif dan negatif mesti tidak sehaluan dengan kebijakan pemerintah sekular Turki ketika itu. This paper seeks to examine the national political principles of Said Nursi (1877-1960) which he practiced in Turkey, namely by choosing the path of cultural political struggle. The form of struggle is through the propagation of faith and disclosure of the essence of the Koran and avoiding identity politics or the politicization of religion for temporary and sectarian political interests and at the expense of the interests of Muslims in general. This study tries to analyze the political principles of Nursi, such as the principles of tawhid, deliberation, freedom, equality, justice, and the underlying values. This study found that the national political view of Said Nursi that he implemented in the preaching of Risalah Nur, which always put forward al-'Aamal al-ijabi (positive action) and prevented destructive and negative actions must not align with the policies of the Turkish secular government at that time.


Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann

As the English people strode closer to armed conflict in the 1630s and early 1640s, the political disagreements between Charles I and his Parliament acquired a religious dimension. Not all Royalists were Anglicans, and not all Parliamentarians were Puritans, but it is undeniable that each group developed a unique political identity that included manner of dress and religious belief. As these identities solidified, each group used both their own identity and the opposing group’s identity to their advantage to inspire new supporters to join, strengthen in-group support, and inspire hatred against the opposition. Chapter one tells the story of how sacred and secular music was pressed into service by both sides of the English Civil War to serve a variety of propaganda purposes. Sacred music became a convenient political symbol for the religious differences between Anglicans/Royalists and Parliamentarians/Puritans that was easy to understand and thereby accessible to the largest possible audience of potential supporters. Likewise, secular music helped to ensure that the English populace was immersed in the political struggle even in their moments of leisure, and thereby at once more likely to maintain their fervent devotion to their side and their fervent hatred of the enemy.


Author(s):  
Daniel Edmiston

Based on a study exploring lived experiences of poverty and prosperity, this book problematizes dominant policy thinking surrounding the functions and limits of welfare in austerity Britain. It does so by critically examining the distributional effects of welfare reform and fiscal recalibration to establish what bearing this has on the changing character and logic of social citizenship in Britain today. Drawing on testimonies of those experiencing relative deprivation and affluence, the book provides an account of the everyday language, ideals and practices that underpin social citizenship and structural inequality. Patterned divergence in the lived realities, political subjectivity and civic engagement of the ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ offers insight into the manifold ways in which welfare austerity secures and maintains institutional legitimacy amidst rising structural inequality. The book presents evidence to suggest that affluent citizens are able to engage with the prevailing terms of social citizenship from within, and in ways that meet their material and discursive ends. By contrast, those at the sharp end of welfare austerity lack the socio-material resources and means of collective identification to engage in sustained political struggle for their rights, identity and recognition. The book reflects on the implications of this for social policy design and delivery as well as the broader health of public deliberation surrounding welfare and inequality in advanced capitalist economies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 375-392
Author(s):  
Mads Peter Karlsen

AbstractThe first section of this paper argues that we can find in Kierkegaard an idea of equality, epitomized in the notion of “the neighbor” presented in Works of Love, which is highly relevant for, among other things, a critical engagement with today’s “identity politics.” The second section argues that Kierkegaard’s idea of equality is a religious-existential task, but also a task concerning our relationship with other human beings. The third section demonstrates how this idea of equality is evinced in the notion of “the neighbor.” The last section offers some reflections on how we might begin to rethink the political based on this idea of equality.


Author(s):  
Umberto Laffi

Abstract The Principle of the Irretroactivity of the Law in the Roman Legal Experience in the Republican Age. Through an in-depth analysis of literary and legal sources (primarily Cicero) and of epigraphic evidence, the author demonstrates that the principle of the law’s non-retroactivity was known to, and applied by, the Romans since the Republican age. The political struggle favored on several occasions the violation of this principle by imposing an extraordinary criminal legislation, aimed at sanctioning past behaviors of adversaries. But, although with undeniable limits of effectiveness in the dynamic relationship with the retroactivity, the author acknowledges that at the end of the first century BC non-retroactivity appeared as the dominant principle, consolidated both in the field of the civil law as well as substantive criminal law.


Author(s):  
Yuliya Krasovskaya ◽  
Dmitriy Khristenko

The article discusses activities of municipal government in the inter-revolutionary period andtheir relationship with the Provisional Government and the Bolshevik’s Soviets on the example of Yaroslavl and Kostroma Gover-norates. As a result of democratic elections in the city councils, the majority in-cluded representatives of moderate socialist parties such as the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries. Based on the analysis of archival sources, the au-thors investigate the ways and methods of the urban socialist self-government’s activities in the context of a comprehensive crisis. In both governorates, munici-palities were unable to solve any of the pressing problems vital to the population like food shortages, public order, and the functioning of the urban economy. Their main concern was the political struggle and confrontation between repre-sentatives of various factions on issues far from the area of their direct respon-sibility. By their activity, and in other cases by inaction, they firstly acted actu-ally against the Provisional Government, and then against the Soviets. The inability to justify hopes in resolving key problems caused the loss of credibility in the eyes of the citizens and the Soviet government. As a result, the city coun-cils became unnecessary to both of them.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document