PEMIKIRAN POLITIK KEBANGSAAN SAID NURSI DI TENGAH TRANSISI TURKI MENUJU REPUBLIK

Al'Adalah ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fajar Shodik ◽  
Muhammad Faiz ◽  
Hasbi Sen

Artikel ini berusaha untuk mengkaji prinsip-prinsip politik kebangsaan Said Nursi (1877-1960 M) yang ia praktikkan di Turki, yakni dengan memilih jalan perjuangan politik secara kultural. Wujud perjuangan-nya adalah dengan dakwah keimanan dan pengungkapan hakikat alquran serta menghindari politik identitas atau politisasi agama demi kepentingan-kepentingan politik yang sesaat dan sektarian serta mengorbankan kepentingan umat Islam secara umum. Kajian ini mencoba menganalisa prinsip-prinsip politik Nursi seperti asas tauhid, musyawarah, kebebasan, persamaan, keadilan, serta nilai-nilai yang mendasarinya. Kajian ini mendapati bahwa pandangan politik kebangsaan Said Nursi ia implementasikan dalam dakwah Risalah Nur yang selalu mengedepankan al-‘amal al-ijabi (aksi positif) dan meng-hindarkan aksi destruktif dan negatif mesti tidak sehaluan dengan kebijakan pemerintah sekular Turki ketika itu. This paper seeks to examine the national political principles of Said Nursi (1877-1960) which he practiced in Turkey, namely by choosing the path of cultural political struggle. The form of struggle is through the propagation of faith and disclosure of the essence of the Koran and avoiding identity politics or the politicization of religion for temporary and sectarian political interests and at the expense of the interests of Muslims in general. This study tries to analyze the political principles of Nursi, such as the principles of tawhid, deliberation, freedom, equality, justice, and the underlying values. This study found that the national political view of Said Nursi that he implemented in the preaching of Risalah Nur, which always put forward al-'Aamal al-ijabi (positive action) and prevented destructive and negative actions must not align with the policies of the Turkish secular government at that time.

Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann

As the English people strode closer to armed conflict in the 1630s and early 1640s, the political disagreements between Charles I and his Parliament acquired a religious dimension. Not all Royalists were Anglicans, and not all Parliamentarians were Puritans, but it is undeniable that each group developed a unique political identity that included manner of dress and religious belief. As these identities solidified, each group used both their own identity and the opposing group’s identity to their advantage to inspire new supporters to join, strengthen in-group support, and inspire hatred against the opposition. Chapter one tells the story of how sacred and secular music was pressed into service by both sides of the English Civil War to serve a variety of propaganda purposes. Sacred music became a convenient political symbol for the religious differences between Anglicans/Royalists and Parliamentarians/Puritans that was easy to understand and thereby accessible to the largest possible audience of potential supporters. Likewise, secular music helped to ensure that the English populace was immersed in the political struggle even in their moments of leisure, and thereby at once more likely to maintain their fervent devotion to their side and their fervent hatred of the enemy.


Author(s):  
Daniel Edmiston

Liberal citizenship is often critiqued for its failure to recognize and accommodate heterogeneous identities and social differences. Amidst rising structural inequality and an increasingly bifurcated system of ‘poor’ and ‘rich’ citizenship, this chapter illustrates how the tensions arising between citizenship status and identity politics are aggravated by the asymmetrical effects of welfare austerity. The chapter starts by exploring how gender, ethnicity and race differentially structure the lived experiences of ‘poor’ and ‘rich’ citizens. By drawing on a number of examples from qualitative fieldwork, I explore how gender affects experiences of single parenthood and the relations between racial inequality and residential segregation. Within the context of welfare austerity, the warp of citizenship and the weft of contemporary identity politics have begun to unravel with those failing to fulfil the ideals of neoliberal citizenship increasingly alienated from the equality of status notionally guaranteed through collective membership. As a result, those experiencing socio-material marginality lack the discursive resources and means of collective identification to engage in sustained political struggle for their identity, rights and recognition. This significantly affects the political subjectivity of marginalised citizens and their engagement with citizenship structures in a way that stifles the progressivity of welfare politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 130-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna-Karina Hermkens

Abstract Christianity and politics seem to be intrinsically linked. In Central Bougainville, which is part of the autonomous region of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea (PNG), the Catholic faith introduced by Marist missionaries has been instrumental in building a national Bougainville identity and sustaining the political struggle for sovereignty. Although the first missionaries were often cautious not to disrupt socio-political organisations, Marists have been advocating both local and Marist political interests and views in the continuously shifting religious, and socio-economical political context of colonial and “post”-colonial Bougainville. This article follows the early Catholic missionaries to Bougainville, elucidating dialectics, tensions and politics of conversion. Moreover, it shows how devotion to Mary became entangled with a particular representation of Bougainville land as Holy, and the engendering of an ethnic-religious nationalism in the context of a ten-year-long devastating conflict and struggle for sovereignty.


2021 ◽  
pp. 351-366
Author(s):  
Azmi Bishara

This chapter discusses the transformation of sectarianism from a channel for public participation in the political sphere into an obstacle to this participation. Identity politics, which includes sectarianism, means popular participation in service of political interests presented as the interests (in our case) of the ta’ifa. And although this sectarianism politicizes the masses and drives them into the public sphere, it nonetheless quickly becomes an obstacle to popular participation, and specifically to democratic transformation. It is no coincidence that there are no federations or confederations of ta’ifas. A federation in a modern state is either merely administrative or based on ethnic and cultural units. But collective rights are possible in a liberal democracy, assuming that they are based on citizens’ rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-672
Author(s):  
Bewuketu Dires Gardachew ◽  
Gebeyehu Mengesha Kefale ◽  
Getahun Antigegn Kumie

In 1991, when Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) became a leading party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia introduced a system of ethnic-based federalism, which had never been practiced in the political history of the state before. The recognition of Ethiopian ethnic diversity became one of the country’s fundamental principles, with the federal system largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. Since its inception, Ethiopia's ethnic federalism has been the subject of heated debate among various political organizations in the country, as well as among observers and scholars both in and outside the country. The key objective of this paper is to appraise the pitfalls of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia, which has been functioning in the country for more than two and half decades. The authors believe ethnic-based federalism to be a political arrangement that succeeds to maintain balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces. They see it as an appropriate and viable strategy for a sustainable nation-building effort in the context of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. At the same time, the authors observe that in the case with ethnicity-based political arrangements, unless they are implemented with maximum care, the risk outweighs the benefit. When a state like Ethiopia, which had been highly centralized for many years, is trying to experiment with a seemingly federal arrangement, the equilibrium of diversity and unity should be maintained. If the political environment focuses primarily on diversity and ignores shared values and common identity, it leaves room for the elites to manipulate the differences and pursue their own parochial political interests, which would eventually serve against the public benefit. The pioneers of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism believe that the contemporary ethnolinguistic-based federal arrangement is a panacea for problems related to identity politics. However, the authors argue that, from a practical perspective, for the past two and half decades (probably in the future too, unless re-designed) ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has been highly politicized (manipulated by political dealers promoting their own selfish interests).


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yogi Prasetyo

The Constitution as the legal basis for formation of legislation in the system of Indonesia. The misuse of the constitution (UUD 1945) by the political interests of goverment caused mislead and made the situation of the nation getting worse. Liberal capitalistic value wrapped in modern positivistic legal system that puts the ratio had diverge from culture constitution. needs to be clarified with the balance of conscience through culture constitution. Culture constitution is a constitutional concept who saw citizen of Indonesia as creatures of God by virtue of intelligence and unseen. So with that constitution is formed, conceived and executed to be qualified and to bring the benefit of the world and the hereafter.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.


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