Cavaliers, Roundheads, and Musical Identity Politics, 1640–49

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-74
Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Religious Belief ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Sacred Music ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Musical Identity ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Political Symbol

As the English people strode closer to armed conflict in the 1630s and early 1640s, the political disagreements between Charles I and his Parliament acquired a religious dimension. Not all Royalists were Anglicans, and not all Parliamentarians were Puritans, but it is undeniable that each group developed a unique political identity that included manner of dress and religious belief. As these identities solidified, each group used both their own identity and the opposing group’s identity to their advantage to inspire new supporters to join, strengthen in-group support, and inspire hatred against the opposition. Chapter one tells the story of how sacred and secular music was pressed into service by both sides of the English Civil War to serve a variety of propaganda purposes. Sacred music became a convenient political symbol for the religious differences between Anglicans/Royalists and Parliamentarians/Puritans that was easy to understand and thereby accessible to the largest possible audience of potential supporters. Likewise, secular music helped to ensure that the English populace was immersed in the political struggle even in their moments of leisure, and thereby at once more likely to maintain their fervent devotion to their side and their fervent hatred of the enemy.

Identity Politics' Issue In Indonesia Presidential Election 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign ◽  
Research Analysis

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election

scholarly journals Politik Identitas dalam Sejarah Pembentukan Negara Israel

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Elpeni Fitrah
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The World

This paper discusses how the political identity becomes a motive of Israel state formation. Identitypolitics is a part of cultural politics which consisted by race, religion, ethnic and culture. TheAuthor identified identity politics as a concept or political movement which focusing into diversity.The main argument of this paper is Israel has succeed utilize its cultural identity narrative to unitethe perception of the Jewish around the world to reproduce as a historical justification as well asthe tools of politics for the sake of the embodiment of national ideals in establishing their ownnation state. Keywords: Identity Politics, Narrative, Perception, Israel

PEMIKIRAN POLITIK KEBANGSAAN SAID NURSI DI TENGAH TRANSISI TURKI MENUJU REPUBLIK

Al'Adalah ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fajar Shodik ◽  
Muhammad Faiz ◽  
Hasbi Sen
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political View ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Positive Action ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
Said Nursi

Artikel ini berusaha untuk mengkaji prinsip-prinsip politik kebangsaan Said Nursi (1877-1960 M) yang ia praktikkan di Turki, yakni dengan memilih jalan perjuangan politik secara kultural. Wujud perjuangan-nya adalah dengan dakwah keimanan dan pengungkapan hakikat alquran serta menghindari politik identitas atau politisasi agama demi kepentingan-kepentingan politik yang sesaat dan sektarian serta mengorbankan kepentingan umat Islam secara umum. Kajian ini mencoba menganalisa prinsip-prinsip politik Nursi seperti asas tauhid, musyawarah, kebebasan, persamaan, keadilan, serta nilai-nilai yang mendasarinya. Kajian ini mendapati bahwa pandangan politik kebangsaan Said Nursi ia implementasikan dalam dakwah Risalah Nur yang selalu mengedepankan al-‘amal al-ijabi (aksi positif) dan meng-hindarkan aksi destruktif dan negatif mesti tidak sehaluan dengan kebijakan pemerintah sekular Turki ketika itu. This paper seeks to examine the national political principles of Said Nursi (1877-1960) which he practiced in Turkey, namely by choosing the path of cultural political struggle. The form of struggle is through the propagation of faith and disclosure of the essence of the Koran and avoiding identity politics or the politicization of religion for temporary and sectarian political interests and at the expense of the interests of Muslims in general. This study tries to analyze the political principles of Nursi, such as the principles of tawhid, deliberation, freedom, equality, justice, and the underlying values. This study found that the national political view of Said Nursi that he implemented in the preaching of Risalah Nur, which always put forward al-'Aamal al-ijabi (positive action) and prevented destructive and negative actions must not align with the policies of the Turkish secular government at that time.

Identity, difference and citizenship: a fraying tapestry?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Edmiston
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Social Differences ◽  
Structural Inequality ◽  
Collective Identification ◽  
Single Parenthood ◽  
Liberal Citizenship ◽  
Welfare Politics

Liberal citizenship is often critiqued for its failure to recognize and accommodate heterogeneous identities and social differences. Amidst rising structural inequality and an increasingly bifurcated system of ‘poor’ and ‘rich’ citizenship, this chapter illustrates how the tensions arising between citizenship status and identity politics are aggravated by the asymmetrical effects of welfare austerity. The chapter starts by exploring how gender, ethnicity and race differentially structure the lived experiences of ‘poor’ and ‘rich’ citizens. By drawing on a number of examples from qualitative fieldwork, I explore how gender affects experiences of single parenthood and the relations between racial inequality and residential segregation. Within the context of welfare austerity, the warp of citizenship and the weft of contemporary identity politics have begun to unravel with those failing to fulfil the ideals of neoliberal citizenship increasingly alienated from the equality of status notionally guaranteed through collective membership. As a result, those experiencing socio-material marginality lack the discursive resources and means of collective identification to engage in sustained political struggle for their identity, rights and recognition. This significantly affects the political subjectivity of marginalised citizens and their engagement with citizenship structures in a way that stifles the progressivity of welfare politics.

Office under Queen Elizabeth: the Case of Lord Hunsdon and the Lord Chamberlainship in 1585

1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Stone
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Advancement ◽  
Stuart England ◽  
Similar Letter

In recent years considerable attention has been focused on the role played by the Court and government office in the social and political evolution of Elizabethan and Early Stuart England. Professor Trevor-Roper has treated office under the Crown as a smooth highroad to economic advancement, one of the principal causes of such rise of the gentry as may have occurred. According to this view, the political antecedents of the English Civil War are best interpreted in terms of the polarities of Court and Country: it was reaction against an overgrown and corruptly lucrative Court that inspired the opposition in 1640; it was desire to dismantle the whole centralizing apparatus which inspired the policy of the Independents in the late 1640s and the 1650s. Others, including Professor Aylmer and myself, have subjected officialdom to detailed inspection and have concluded that its rewards were usually modest, especially under Elizabeth and Charles I, its personnel was restricted in numbers, and its more spectacular beneficiaries were a very small minority. The recently published letter of Sir Edward Stanhope to Thomas Viscount Wentworth, advising him to refuse the Deputyship of Ireland in 1631, has cast a flood of light on contemporary attitudes towards the acceptance of at least one high office. Forty-six years before, when Henry Carey, 1st Earl of Hunsdon, was offered the Lord Chamberlainship of the Royal Household, he received a similar letter of warning from a close follower.

scholarly journals В поисках большинства: демографическая эволюция мусульманской политической идентичности в Боснии и Герцеговине

Islamology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Milos Milovanovic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Population Numbers

The study discusses the relationships between demography and the development of Muslim political identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). The main question that this paper aims to answer is: To what extent have the demographic components of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population (both natural and spatial movement) framed the unique political identity of the Muslim/Bosniak population in relation to Orthodox/Serbs and Catholics/Croats.The paper seeks to examine the concept of population numbers as an object of political competition, including how patterns of demographic behavior vary between religious groups and further impact political identity. Thus, the article perceives the population census as an object of political struggle.Hence, by using the final results of the censuses, the study clarifiesthe significance of population numbers in the construction ofthe identity politics of Muslims in B&H. Furthermore, the paperargues for the significance of population statistics in constructingof the political identity of religious groups in a multi-ethnic society, emphasizing that demography holds important clues to the pattern of political behavior, and that specific forms of demographic variations are correlated with distinguished political agendas. Additionally, the study traces the political life and rise of the first president of independent Bosnia—Alija Izetbegović—as an embodiment of Muslims’ political identity.Arguing that demography is an important component of the development of political identity, the paper expects to stimulate interest from other scientific fields as it adds to our understanding of relationships between demography, religion, and politics. Finally, the study intends to open a supplementary research agenda focusing on the effects of demography on politics, beyond those explored within the limits of political studies.

scholarly journals Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 : Dinamika Politik Identitas di Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Dina Lestari
Keyword(s):  
Human Behavior ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political

Regional Election in one of implementation of people  sovereignty that carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. But regional election is often colored by identity politics in achieving pragmatic goals such as in the DKI Jakarta Election 2017. This study using a qualitative approach which is a contextual research that seeks to emphasize the meaning of a phenomenon of human behavior interactions in certain situations. This paper aims to find out about the 2017 DKI Jakarta regional election : the political identity dynamics in Indonesia. The results of this study are expected to provide input to relevant stakeholders to prevent the spread of identity politics in Indonesia

scholarly journals SOEGIJA BIOPIC FILM, POLITICAL AFIRMATION, AND POLITICAL IDENTITY: DECONSTRUCTION OF INDONESIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-47
Author(s):  
Bambang Aris Kartika ◽  
Nanik Sri Prihatini ◽  
Sri Hastanto ◽  
Dharsono Dharsono
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Cultural Resistance ◽  
The People ◽  
Historical Methodology ◽  
The Catholic Church

Soegija's movie is a biopic film based on the historiography of the highest leaders of the people and the Catholic church in Indonesia. Soegija's film is an antithesis of Indonesian historiography so far, especially the historiography of the era of the Indonesian independence revolution. This article discusses the political affirmation and identity politics of Soegija's film from the perspective of Derrida's Deconstruction. Derrida's Deconstruction approach and historical methodology consisting of Heuristics, Hermeneutics, and internal criticism are used to understand the position of Soegija's biopic on Indonesian historiography. The results of the study show that Soegija's film is a biography moving picture of the character Mgr. Albertus Soegijapranata, who narrated historical facts about the national attitude of the Catholic leadership as the first native bishop. In deconstruction, it appears that Soegija's biopic is a representation of the political affirmation and identity politics of educational cultural resistance to the truth of the historical facts of the character Mgr. Albertus Soegijapranata who is in binary opposition to Indonesian historiography.

scholarly journals Politik Identitas dan Negara Bangsa di Riau

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Erman ' ◽  
Muchid Albintani
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Vision 2020 ◽  
Politics Of Identity ◽  
The Relationship

Riau Vision 2020, regional regulations on Lembaga Adat Melayu[LAM] Riau, the issue of sons and non-sons of the region in regional head elections are the main characteristic of the ongoing revival of the Political Identity of the era of regional autonomy in Riau. The Rise of Identity Politics in Riau is considered to be at odds with the nation-state whose essence is recognizing diversity. The politics of identity in this context is considered to jeopardize the development of the diversity-based nation-state [nationalism]. This research aims, firstly, to address the PoliticalIdentity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration.Second, explaining the main obstacles to the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. The Political Approach to Identity and Nation-State is used as a theoretical framework. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. Data is collected based on documents supported by interviews. After collecting the data analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study concluded, first, that the existence of theRiau 2020 vision, and the Riau Malay Customary Institution as a forum for empowerment of ‘Malays’ in the context of the Politics of Identity and State-nation, kept the potential for ethnicideological conflict.The concept of ‘Melayu’ in the vision impresses the sultry between Malay [ethnic] and Islam [ideology]. The vision is the consequence of local-minority hegemony. ‘Melayu’,structurally and constitutionally suggests that Melayu Malays ’control, even though there are minorities if they are accumulated with other ethnic groups. Second, the various obstacles that occur in the relationship between the Politics of Identity and State-nation are, [1] Malays are interpreted as hegemony in terms of relative deprivation. [2] Structural and cultural constraints have an effect on the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity [the existence of Riau LAM suggests more superiority and cultural domination. [3] Shifting issues in Political Idenitas, does not work linearly due to institutional-based personal interests. Practically this research provides an important reference for the relationship between LAM Riau and local governments that can prevent local disintegration. Academically, the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity can be constructed into a model and approach that can anticipate potential identity conflicts, especially in Riau.

Scotland, Ireland and the English Civil War

1975 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-130
Author(s):  
Charles L. Hamilton
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presbyterian Church ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Northern Kingdom ◽  
The Church ◽  
Church Government

Historical orthodoxy has long recognized the fervent belief of the Scottish Covenanters that their successful revolution against Charles I “stood or fell” with that of their brethren in England. Although by the end of 1641 the Godly Party in the northern kingdom had temporarily destroyed the foundations of Stuart government, many of the King's Scottish opponents no more trusted Charles to accept a permanent curtailment of his power than did their English counterparts. Should the King triumph over his enemies in London, it was assumed that backed by the power of a still episcopal England he would quickly attack the revived presbyterian establishment in Scotland. Concurrently, the political revolution—completed in the Scottish Parliament in 1641—would also be reversed, for the connection betweeen the leading Covenanting politicians, led by the Marquis of Argyll, and the reformed Kirk was very close. It should be remembered that while the clerical estate was abolished in the Scottish Parliament, laymen could sit in the General Assembly and participate in the most important decisions of the Church. Indeed, the aristocratic element in the Glasgow Assembly was large and the meeting's attack on episcopacy and the five articles of Perth may in fact have reflected lay opinion more than clerical. Caroline bishops, favored in Scotland as well as in England for high political positions, were unpopular with the Covenanting nobility for whom presbyterian church government not only restored God's True Kirk but also eliminated dangerous secular rivals. To undermine presbyterianism would, therefore, remove much of the strength from the political hand which Argyll had so shrewdly played since allying with the Covenanters in the Glasgow Assembly.

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