The Potential of Community Development

Author(s):  
Marilyn Taylor

Community development offers a distinct approach to respond to the problem of diminishing free spaces where citizens can exchange views and learn about democracy and citizenship. It involves citizens as co-creators of the common world rather than as consumers. It has been supported by governments in different countries as a way of defusing tensions within communities, addressing the crisis of political legitimacy, encouraging citizen responsibility, as well as co-producing services with the state. This chapter tracks the ways in which community development has played these different roles over time and the implications for the relationship between state and citizen. It reviews its changing relationship with the state, and the critiques generated by different approaches and programmes. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges it faces in seeking to deepen democracy and foster creative citizenship, in the face of recurring attempts to shrink the state and leave the market as the principal mediating factor in society.

Author(s):  
Jan-Melissa Schramm

Sacred theatrical performance has always attracted the strong scrutiny of the state. Consequently, one focus of this study is the relationship between sacred aesthetics and the law: what practices are considered in need of legal protection (or proscription), and how does that agenda change over time? But another is the way in which tradition (in this case, the long history of sacred drama in England) is constantly contested and revised, involving a profound interrogation of the extent to which the inheritances of the past shape the present or indeed the present predetermines our reading of the past. The Introduction alerts the reader to both these dynamics—the persistence of certain forms in the face of state censorship, and the ways in which that very narrative of continuity must be subject to critical scrutiny.


Author(s):  
Claudius Härpfer

In recent times we find many plebiscitary acts that seek to democratically legitimize political processes in any direction. They have in common that they interrupt the normal routine of representative democracies to a certain degree and create an extra-daily state of affairs, which entails not only direct but also indirect consequences. The text attempts to systematize some of these mechanisms from a Weberian perspective using Brexit as an example. After a brief overview of Weber’s short-term politically inspired statements on plebiscitary democracy, the text systematizes Weber’s understanding of the state as a bureaucratic apparatus that requires any kind of leader to be controlled. Subsequently, the text discusses the relationship between domination, legality, and rationality in order to finally point out the danger of erosion of truth and legality through the emergence of competing consensus communities in the face of competing conceptions of order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-120
Author(s):  
Michal Pal Bracha

"This article deals with symbolic goods in posters in Israel from the period before the establishment of the state to the present day. The poster and the symbolic goods that appear in it, serve as an agent of ideological companies. In this study, I will examine the nature of the relationship between the symbolic goods and the Zionist-Israeli ideology, by comparing the symbolic goods represented in them over time and space. The questions the research asks are: What are the contribution and importance of symbolic goods as an ideological tool in Israeli posters? Has the world of symbolic goods that served Zionist ideology origin or been borrowed from other ideologies? The methodology is Qualitative research by: study case, Visual – genealogical. The conclusions of the study indicate the importance of the symbolic goods in the foundation of the State of Israel by posters and other media. The symbolic goods that characterize the posters in Israel, consist in part of content related to Jewish tradition and religion (Bible stories and myths) and its other part is influenced by the symbolic goods appropriated from ideologies around the globe. Keywords: Symbolic Goods, Posters, Marketing, Ideology, Zionist Movement, Israel. "


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
S. Elizabeth Penry

In the sixteenth century, Spaniards forcibly resettled Andeans into planned towns called reducciones. Andeans adapted the political and religious institutions of the new towns, the cabildo (town council) and the cofradías (confraternities), and made them their own, organizing them by the Andean social form, the ayllu. Over time, political legitimacy and authority within towns was transferred from traditional native hereditary lords, the caciques, to the common people of the town, who called themselves the común. Although a Spanish word, común took on Andean meaning as it was the word used to translate terms for collective land and the collective people of a town. It became a recognized shorthand for a political philosophy empowering common people. In the late eighteenth-century era of Atlantic Revolutions, the común rose up against its caciques, in an Enlightenment-from-below moment of popular sovereignty.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey L. Adams

There is a growing body of literature exploring the relationship between regulated professions and the state. Research has shown that the state is the key source of power for professions, and it has suggested that professions may support and assist state agencies and actors in many ways. Although studies have documented changing state-profession relations across region and era and recent research points to significant change in the regulation of some professions in the past decade or two, there remains much that we do not know about the changing nature of professional regulation over time. In this article I examine professional regulation in four Canadian provinces between 1867 and 1961. The findings reveal distinct eras of professional regulation and definite differences in who is regulated and how over time. There are many more regulated professions toward the end of the period, they are more closely regulated by the state, and their relationships to each other are more closely delineated. The implications for our understanding of state-profession relations over time are discussed.


2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Mettler ◽  
Andrew Milstein

Although scholars of American political development (APD) have helped transform many aspects of the study of U.S. politics over the last quarter-century, they have barely begun to use the powerful analytical tools of this approach to elucidate the relationship between government and citizens. APD research has probed deeply into the processes of state-building and the creation and implementation of specific policies, yet has given little attention to how such development affects the lives of individuals and the ways in which they relate to government. Studies routinely illuminate how policies influence the political roles of elites and organized groups, but barely touch on how the state shapes the experiences and responses of ordinary individuals. As a result, we know little about how governance has influenced citizenship over time or how those changes have, in turn, affected politics.


Author(s):  
Joshua B. Rubongoya

Hegemonic political regimes in Africa reflect the continent’s political history, in particular, its colonial past and postcolonial present. Hegemony is primarily a reference to the nature and character of specific modes of power. Political hegemony denotes prolonged, unchecked dominance and control, often by a dominant political party that comprises a section of the ruling coalition. On the continent, regime hegemony is embedded in neo-patrimonial structures of power. It is the outcome of (a) African patrimonial logics and Western bureaucratic institutions and (b) complex networks of patron–client relationships along with resource allocations which form the basis of political legitimacy. As well, the struggles for independence bequeathed a “movement legacy” that continues to frame political organization. African discourses regarding the exercise of power address hegemony in the context of statist–corporatist regimes which, by definition, concentrate power in the state by closing political spaces and promulgating self-serving ideologies, both of which produce unchallenged social realities. Paradoxically, the state is deinstitutionalized, power is personalized, and informality underpins decision making. In deconstructing hegemony in Africa, emphasis is placed on how three key tensions that distinguish hegemony from democracy are resolved. Hegemonies diminish consent in favor of effectiveness, opt for consensus at the expense of participation and competition, and subordinate representation to governability. The consequence of all this is that African polities struggle in sustaining a governance realm that is rooted in consent, competition, and representation. Finally, the nature and character of political hegemony among African polities vary and mutate over time, from independence to the late second decade of the 21st century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
EDWARD NEWMAN

AbstractFrom a critical security studies perspective – and non-traditional security studies more broadly – is the concept of human security something which should be taken seriously? Does human security have anything significant to offer security studies? Both human security and critical security studies challenge the state-centric orthodoxy of conventional international security, based upon military defence of territory against ‘external’ threats. Both also challenge neorealist scholarship, and involve broadening and deepening the security agenda. Yet critical security studies have not engaged substantively with human security as a distinct approach to non-traditional security. This article explores the relationship between human security and critical security studies and considers why human security arguments – which privilege the individual as the referent of security analysis and seek to directly influence policy in this regard – have not made a significant impact in critical security studies. The article suggests a number of ways in which critical and human security studies might engage. In particular, it suggests that human security scholarship must go beyond its (mostly) uncritical conceptual underpinnings if it is to make a lasting impact upon security studies, and this might be envisioned as Critical Human Security Studies (CHSS).


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-631
Author(s):  
Jessica Wardhaugh

Abstract In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.


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