Material Restoration: A Fragment from Eleventh-Century Echternach in a Nineteenth-Century Parisian Codex (review)

Parergon ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 261-262
Author(s):  
Hilary Maddocks
1947 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 70-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Hussey

John Mauropous, an eleventh-century Metropolitan of Euchaïta, has long been commemorated in the service books of the Orthodox Church. The Synaxarion for the Office of Orthros on 30th January, the day dedicated to the Three Fathers, St. Basil the Great, St. Gregory the Theologian, and St. John Chrysostom, tells how the festival was instituted by Mauropous and describes him as ‘the well-known John, a man of great repute and well-versed in the learning of the Hellenes, as his writings show, and moreover one who has attained to the highest virtue’. In western Europe something was known of him certainly as early as the end of the sixteenth century; his iambic poems were published for the first time by an Englishman in 1610, and his ‘Vita S. Dorothei’ in the Acta Sanctorum in 1695. But it was not until the second half of the nineteenth century that scholars were really able to form some idea of the character and achievement of this Metropolitan of Euchaïta. Particularly important were two publications: Sathas' edition in 1876 of Michael Psellus' oration on John, and Paul de Lagarde's edition in 1882 of some of John's own writings. This last contained not only the works already printed, but a number of hitherto unpublished sermons and letters, together with the constitution of the Faculty of Law in the University of Constantinople, and a short introduction containing part of an etymological poem. But there remained, and still remains, one significant omission: John's canons have been almost consistently neglected.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001946462110411
Author(s):  
Ali Anooshahr

Almost all of our information on the Ghaznavids comes from two contemporary chronicles (one in Persian and one in Arabic) and a divan (poetic anthology) from the early eleventh century. The Arabic text is the Tarikh-i Yamini written by Abu Nasr al-ʻUtbi, and the Persian chronicle is the Zayn al-Akhbar by Gardizi. Virtually, all subsequent Persian chroniclers drew on the later Persian translation of the Yamini. After the Mughal period, a few used Gardizi as well. In the nineteenth century, H. M. Elliot translated parts of the Persian translation of ʻUtbi into English, which popularised that particular version of events in modern scholarship. This uncritical overreliance on a single source has led to perhaps the greatest misunderstanding of medieval Indian history. I will argue that the version of the Ghaznavid campaigns in ʻUtbi was meant strictly for the court of the ‘Abbasid caliph in Baghdad where a sufficiently learned audience could actually be expected to understand the very difficult Arabic of the text. The Yamini did not simply embellish reality but was actually trying to create a narrative that was in contradiction to and even independent of reality. It was part of a campaign of misinformation to hide the fact that the Ghaznavids were creating an Indian empire both as a network of tributary kings and as an open trade zone ruled by a king of kings symbolised by the elephant.


Author(s):  
Jeanne Gaakeer

Chapter 2 offers an overview of the historical development of the language of law from Euripides to Herder and into the twentieth century, not out of nostalgia to the halcyon days of the unity of law and the humanities, but to show jurists what brought them where they are now. It also provides an overview of the development of the process of differentiation of law, i.e. from the unity brought about by the rediscovery of the Corpus Iuris Civilis in the eleventh century to the diversity occasioned by the rise of national legal systems culminating in the nineteenth century, and from law as an autonomous discipline to the interdisciplinarity of the “Law and…” movements from the late twentieth century onwards.


2021 ◽  
pp. 401-429
Author(s):  
John N. Miksic

The name Śrīvijaya, found in inscriptions in Sumatra and references in Chinese, Indian, and Arabic sources, was first recognized as that of a kingdom in 1918. From a capital in south Sumatra, Śrīvijaya exercised influence over a string of ports from south Thailand to west Borneo and possibly Java from the late seventh to eleventh century. In 1025 the capital Palembang was overthrown by an invasion from the Chola kingdom of southern India, but Palembang remained an influential port-polity until it was incorporated into the Netherlands East Indies in the nineteenth century. This empire flourished due to its position on the maritime trade route between East, Southeast, South, and West Asia as well as East Africa. As an empire based on control of trade routes rather than land, it occupies an unusual position in the study of empires.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Kenneth G. Zysk ◽  
Tsutomu Yamashita

The Nirantarapadavyākhyā by Jajjaṭa (or Jejjaṭa) is one of the earliest and,therefore, one of the most important commentaries on the Carakasaṃhitā. Thiscommentary is incomplete, but sufficient portions survive to allow a study ofthe earliest form of medical commentary in India. The extant portions of thiscommentary are large sections of the Cikitsāsthāna and part of the Kalpasthānaand Siddhisthāna. The text of Nirantarapadavyākhyā by Jajjaṭa has never beencritically edited. In this paper, we present a text-critical edition and translationof the Nirantarapadavyākhyā on the Carakasaṃhitā, Cikitsāsthāna Chapter 2,Quarter 1 (CaCi 2.1) based on several copies of a lost palm-leaf manuscriptin Malayalam script and the printed edition by Haridatta Śāstrin publishedin 1941. In order to follow the intellectual development of potency-therapy(vājīkaraṇa) in the Sanskrit medical literature, the remaining three extant majorcommentaries are also translated from the existing printed editions. These threecommentaries are Cakrapāṇidatta’s Āyurvedadīpikā in the eleventh century,Gaṅgādhara’s Jalpakalpataru in the mid-nineteenth century, and YogīndranāthSen’s Carakopaskāra in the early-twentieth century.


2006 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew H. Hammond

Historians have long tended to define medieval Scottish society in terms of interactions between ethnic groups. This approach was developed over the course of the long nineteenth century, a formative period for the study of medieval Scotland. At that time, many scholars based their analysis upon scientific principles, long since debunked, which held that medieval ‘peoples’ could only be understood in terms of ‘full ethnic packages’. This approach was combined with a positivist historical narrative that defined Germanic Anglo-Saxons and Normans as the harbingers of advances in Civilisation. While the prejudices of that era have largely faded away, the modern discipline still relies all too often on a dualistic ethnic framework. This is particularly evident in a structure of periodisation that draws a clear line between the ‘Celtic’ eleventh century and the ‘Norman’ twelfth. Furthermore, dualistic oppositions based on ethnicity continue, particularly in discussions of law, kingship, lordship and religion.


Traditio ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 189-215
Author(s):  
Susan Boynton

The manuscript sources of the Mozarabic or Old Hispanic liturgy have been thoroughly described and analyzed, with the exception of an early-eleventh-century book of saints' offices that has been considered missing since the late nineteenth century from the Cathedral Archive of Toledo. In October 2001, I identified this lost book as manuscript B2916 in the library of the Hispanic Society of America in New York, where it has been since its acquisition by the Society's founder, Archer Huntington. HSA MS B2916 is the only codex of the Old Hispanic liturgy preserved outside Europe. This manuscript is a curious book, comprising the offices for the feasts of Saint Martin (November 11), Saint Emilianus or Millán (November 12), and the Assumption of the Virgin (August 15). The matins lessons of the first two offices consist of the entirety of, respectively, theVitaeof Martin by Sulpicius Severus and of San Millán by Braulio of Saragossa. Because the manuscript was in a private collection and has remained uncatalogued, it has gone unnoticed for the last century, a period that saw the maturation of modern study of the Mozarabic rite. The contents of the book were not unknown during this time, however, because some specialists have consulted the copy (today in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid) made in 1752 by the polymath Jesuit Andrés Marcos Burriel. Indeed, it was Clyde Brockett's remarkably accurate handmade copy of the Burriel copy that made the identification of the manuscript possible, even at two removes. While the Burriel copy is useful, many important aspects of the original manuscript deserve notice.


2018 ◽  
pp. 57-72
Author(s):  
Mateusz Bogucki

This chapter asks: to what extent do different methods of recovery affect the discovery and recording of hack-silver? The question is approached through the case study of the early eleventh-century silver hoard from Mózgowo, Poland, recovered through different techniques in three chronologically distinct phases from the nineteenth century to 2012. Study of the weight of silver pieces recovered on each occasion indicates that the degree of silver fragmentation reflects the method of recovery: the lightest pieces of silver were recorded through modern excavation, slightly heavier pieces through recent metal-detecting and the heaviest by recovery after ploughing in the nineteenth century. The implication is that data relating to both older discoveries and recent metal-detected hoards will contain biases that impact the reliability of metrological data.


Mediaevistik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 379-381
Author(s):  
Scott G. Bruce

In 1987, Michael Lapidge made a momentous announcement in the pages of Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch. In a late eleventh-century manuscript from Winchester (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 535, fols. 1r-37r), he had discovered an anonymous ninth-century poem over 2000 lines long about the life and passion of Saint Dionysius. This poem, he argued, was a long-lost work of Abbot Hilduin (814-840) of the abbey of St. Denis in Paris, <?page nr="380"?>who had a vested interest in promoting the cult of his patron saint. Lapidge’s labor in bringing this poem to print has taken three decades, with good reason. He realized early on that the Passio S. Dionysii was a work of reécriture hagiographique derived from Hilduin’s better known prose Passio S. Dionysii, but this text had not been edited since 1574 and was consulted most frequently in Migne’s error-ridden nineteenth-century reprint in the Patrologia Latina. A new edition of the poem’s prose source was clearly in order, but that text was in turn dependent on a handful of other Latin texts about Dionysius, including older passiones, letters, hymns, and liturgical fragments. These ancillary texts too, Lapidge decided, deserved new editions.


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