scholarly journals Memory Politics: US

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
I.I. Kurilla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Usa

Conflicts about the Past are no less characteristic of the United States than of European countries, although there they are more often referred to as a variant of culture wars. They are especially pronounced during periods of internal political crises, since the role of foreign policy in American discourse is almost negligible. Thus, memory of the World War II in the United States was used to unite the nation and did not, unlike in many European countries, become a basis for conflict with its neighbors. The article demonstrates how the two harshest conflicts over the Past in the last quarter century were connected with the crises, first of the Republican Party (the case of the Enola Gay exhibition in 1995), and then the Democratic Party (the case of the removal of Confederate monuments in 2017). The attack on the symbols of the Past after they ascribed to them negative meanings allows activists to mobilize supporters and overcome the ideological vacuum characteristic of a critical period. In other cases, both regarding the foreign policy “apologies for the USA” or the protests of the Italo-Americans after the authorities’ rejection to commemorate Christopher Columbus, conflicts did not acquire national character.

scholarly journals German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Dmytro Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
German Question ◽  
The Usa

The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.

Isolationism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justus D. Doenecke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Option ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
The North ◽  
The 1950S

For the United States, isolationism is best defined as avoidance of wars outside the Western Hemisphere, particularly in Europe; opposition to binding military alliances; and the unilateral freedom to act politically and commercially unrestrained by mandatory commitments to other nations. Until the controversy over American entry into the League of Nations, isolationism was never subject to debate. The United States could expand its territory, protect its commerce, and even fight foreign powers without violating its traditional tenets. Once President Woodrow Wilson sought membership in the League, however, Americans saw isolationism as a foreign policy option, not simply something taken for granted. A fundamental foreign policy tenet now became a faction, limited to a group of people branded as “isolationists.” Its high point came during the years 1934–1937, when Congress, noting the challenge of the totalitarian nations to the international status quo, passed the neutrality acts to insulate the country from global entanglements. Once World War II broke out in Europe, President Franklin D. Roosevelt increasingly sought American participation on the side of the Allies. Isolationists unsuccessfully fought FDR’s legislative proposals, beginning with repeal of the arms embargo and ending with the convoying of supplies to Britain. The America First Committee (1940–1941), however, so effectively mobilized anti-interventionist opinion as to make the president more cautious in his diplomacy. If the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor permanently ended classic isolationism, by 1945 a “new isolationism” voiced suspicion of the United Nations, the Truman Doctrine, aid to Greece and Turkey, the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and U.S. participation in the Korean War. Yet, because the “new isolationists” increasingly advocated militant unilateral measures to confront Communist Russia and China, often doing so to advance the fortunes of the Republican party, they exposed themselves to charges of inconsistency and generally faded away in the 1950s. Since the 1950s, many Americans have opposed various military involvements— including the ones in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan— but few envision returning to an era when the United States avoids all commitments.

US-Cuban Relations in the 1980s: Issues and Policies

1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge I. Domínguez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
The United States ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government

Should the United States go to war with Cuba? If not, what should be the policy of the US government toward Cuba? What should be Cuban policies toward the United States and the Soviet Union? Should Cuba increase or decrease its worldwide commitments and should it emphasize formal or informal foreign policy instruments? These have been the central questions affecting US-Cuban relations during the past quarter century. This essay endeavors to address some of the aspects they raise for US-Cuban relations for the remainder of the decade.

scholarly journals Trends in survival of patients with Burkitt lymphoma/leukemia in the USA: an analysis of 3691 cases

Blood ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 121 (24) ◽  
pp. 4861-4866 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luciano J. Costa ◽  
Ana C. Xavier ◽  
Amy E. Wahlquist ◽  
Elizabeth G. Hill
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Burkitt Lymphoma ◽  
Unmet Need ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Past ◽  
Black Patients ◽  
Key Points ◽  
The Usa

Key Points Survival of patients with BL improved substantially in the United States during the past decade, mainly among young adults. Survival of patients with BL remains relatively low, particularly for older and black patients, identifying an unmet need.

scholarly journals American Realism Versus American Imperialism

2004 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Campbell Craig
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Imperialism ◽  
The Past ◽  
American Policy

This article reviews three recent books critical of America's new “imperial” foreign policy, examines whether the United States can properly be compared to empires of the past, and identifies three aspects of contemporary American policy that may well be called imperialist. It also addresses some of the main objections to recent U.S. foreign policy made by American realist scholars and argues that traditional interstate realism can no longer readily apply to the problem ofAmerican unipolar preponderance over an anarchical, nuclear-armed world.

Ascesa e declino dell'editoria psicoanalitica americana

2009 ◽  
pp. 9-46
Author(s):  
Paul E. Stepansky
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Book Publishing ◽  
The United States ◽  
Erik Erikson ◽  
World War ◽  
Erich Fromm ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
The Past ◽  
Karen Horney ◽  
Internal Fragmentation

- The rise and fall of psychoanalytic book publishing in America is one sign of the progressive marginalization of psychoanalysis within American mental health care. The "glory era" of psychoanalytic book publishing, roughly the quarter century following the end of World War II, is described. This was the era when psychoanalyst-authors such as Karl Menninger, Erich Fromm, Erik Erikson, and Karen Horney published books of great commercial success. Cumulative sales data of noteworthy psychoanalytic books published in the United States over the past 70 years are reported, and document the continuous decline in sales since the 1970s. In accounting for the recent acceleration of this decline, Stepansky focuses on the internal fragmentation of a once cohesive profession into rival schools with sectarian features, each committed to a self-limited reading agenda. Stepansky discusses these issues from his vantage point as Managing Director of The Analytic Press from 1984-2006. [KEY WORDS: American psychoanalysis, publishing, books, fractionation, marginalization]

scholarly journals The world public opinion towards the American foreign policy of presidents of the United States of North America in the years 2001–2016

2021 ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Przemysław Potocki
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation’s public opinion about the USA.

scholarly journals O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-216
Author(s):  
Leonardo Luiz Silveira Da Silva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Middle East ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
War Of Independence

Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.

Analogies at War

2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. CHRISTOPHER JESPERSEN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
American History ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
The World ◽  
Current Events

The frequent use of the Vietnam analogy to describe the situation in Iraq underscores the continuing relevance of Vietnam for American history. At the same time, the Vietnam analogy reinforces the tendency to see current events within the context of the past. Politicians and pundits latch onto analogies as handles for understanding the present, but in so doing, they obscure more complicated situations. The con�ict in Iraq is not Vietnam, Korea, or World War II, but this article considers all three in an effort to see how the past has shaped, and continues to affect, the world the United States now faces.

Understanding and Improving U.S. Financial Sanctions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Harris ◽  
Robert B. Kahn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Side Effects ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Tools ◽  
The Past

This chapter uses the Iran and Russia cases to understand how modern U.S. financial sanctions operate (including how they interact with traditional tools of foreign policy) and how to better incorporate them into the United States’ standing arsenal of foreign policy tools. It does so by considering three broad sets of questions: First, how has the use of financial sanctions evolved over the past fifteen years? Second, what are the main ways in which financial sanctions impose costs on sanctioned countries? Finally, how should U.S. policymakers alter the use of financial sanctions to maximize their impact, sustain their strength, and minimize problematic side effects?

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