scholarly journals Islam and Minorities: Managing Identity in Malaysia

2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
Ahmad Suaedy
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
National Front ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
Standing Up ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
2004 Election ◽  
First Time

The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysia’s 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the People’s Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition is  due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. They  propose a move from “Bumiputera Supremacy”, or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of “Bumiputera” Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to “The People’s Supremacy”, which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, for  instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihood  of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between the  2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia. Malaysia, a Muslim majority nation that has formally declared Islam the official state religion with Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) as  Head of the State and symbol of Islam, is one example, though not necessarily  representative, of how Islam and Muslims manage minorities and identity or  multiculturalism within the process of globalization.

scholarly journals Managing Democracy in Malaysia (Identity, Minorities, and Representation)

ARISTO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Arik Dwijayanto ◽  
Yusmicha Ulya Afif ◽  
Khoirul Fathoni
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Simple Majority ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Government Service ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
Standing Up ◽  
Progressive Democracy ◽  
First Time

The Malaysian General Election (GE-14) in May 2018 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence of Malaysia in 1957, the rulling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) which led by UMNO failed to secure simple majority in parliament and lost control of seven of Malaysia’s 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope, PH) which won 113 of seats in parliament and gain control the central government. It is interesting that this significant increase in support for the opposition is due to their change the way minorities, identity and representation is managed. The Malaysian Supremacy as political manifesto of Pakatan Harapan which involves eradicating affirmative action based on etnicity, basing it instead on need, for instance need due to prosperity through the removal of government service tax (GST), and reformation of law. This would potentially increase the justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper links the 2013 and 2018 elections, the more global trend in which minorities and youth representation  are standing up to demand their right and to the challenge multiracial presents in Malaysia as a Muslim country. Therefore, the fundamental questions in this paper of how Pakatan Harapan manage minorities, identity and representation within in the process of democracy and to what extent the opportunities and the involvement of youth as voters and parliamentary candidates in order to support a progressive democracy in Malaysia.

scholarly journals Managing Democracy in Malaysia (Identity, Minorities, and Representation)

ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Arik Dwijayanto ◽  
Yusmicha Ulya Afif ◽  
Khoirul Fathoni
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Simple Majority ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Government Service ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
Standing Up ◽  
Progressive Democracy ◽  
First Time

The Malaysian General Election (GE-14) in May 2018 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence of Malaysia in 1957, the rulling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) which led by UMNO failed to secure simple majority in parliament and lost control of seven of Malaysia’s 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope, PH) which won 113 of seats in parliament and gain control the central government. It is interesting that this significant increase in support for the opposition is due to their change the way minorities, identity and representation is managed. The Malaysian Supremacy as political manifesto of Pakatan Harapan which involves eradicating affirmative action based on etnicity, basing it instead on need, for instance need due to prosperity through the removal of government service tax (GST), and reformation of law. This would potentially increase the justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper links the 2013 and 2018 elections, the more global trend in which minorities and youth representation  are standing up to demand their right and to the challenge multiracial presents in Malaysia as a Muslim country. Therefore, the fundamental questions in this paper of how Pakatan Harapan manage minorities, identity and representation within in the process of democracy and to what extent the opportunities and the involvement of youth as voters and parliamentary candidates in order to support a progressive democracy in Malaysia.

The Anti-Religious Campaign, 1959–1964

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eren Tasar
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
World War ◽  
First Time ◽  
Party Group ◽  
At Home

With Party chairman Nikita Khrushchev’s success against the “Anti-Party Group” in 1957, the hard line against religion once again became a viable project for the first time since the 1930s. Khrushchev launched his anti-religious campaign in late 1958 as a “corrective” to what he viewed as the state’s unacceptable lethargy toward religion in the period since World War II. His campaign restricted SADUM’s finances significantly. However, it also coincided with Moscow’s drive to enhance Soviet ties with the Muslim world. As a result, the muftiate suffered financially at home but enjoyed a significant boost in its overseas prominence. Ironically, SADUM emerged from the Khrushchev years even more indispensable to the state than before.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Chaitanya Lakkimsetti
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
State Government ◽  
South India ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Gender Identities ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City

“We want employment, we want jobs, we want welfare.” This was a main slogan at a daylong dharna (protest) organized by a South India–based transgender and hijra group one humid summer afternoon in the city of Hyderabad in July 2015. The main goal of the dharna was to demand that the state government recognize transgender rights as recommended by India’s Supreme Court (SC). In 2014, for the first time in India’s history as an independent nation, the SC had recognized nonnormative gender identities as legal. It had also recommended that the government implement corresponding affirmative action policies in employment and education. There was a significant media presence and great interest in the dharna, whose organizers had mobilized a surprisingly large number of progressive groups to support their cause. It had been previously unthinkable that one of the most marginalized and stigmatized groups in the country could make demands of the state. When the day was over, the gathering had been a huge success that increased the visibility of the community while also showcasing its newfound political power....

scholarly journals Georgia: The GOP Tightens Its Grip

2005 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
2004 Election ◽  
First Time ◽  
President Bush

The presidential election season came to an early end in Georgia. Because the state was universally acknowledged as being safe for President Bush, the parties did not contest its Electoral College votes. The focus of the 2004 election cycle in Georgia came further down the ballot. The election marked the first time that Georgia elected a second Republican senator. The state had one of only three instances in which a House incumbent whose congressional seat had not been redistricted lost. Even more dramatically, Republicans took control of both chambers of the state legislature for the first time in more than 130 years.

Affirmative Action and Leadership Attitudes in Brazilian Women Managers

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gazi Islam ◽  
Sarah E. S. Zilenovsky
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Women Managers ◽  
Psychological Effects ◽  
Preferential Selection ◽  
Justice Perceptions ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship

This note examines the relationship between affirmative action (AA) program perceptions and women’s self-ascribed capacity and desire to become leaders. We propose that women who believe that their organization implements a program of preferential selection toward women will experience negative psychological effects leading to lowered self-expectations for leadership, but that this effect will be moderated by their justice perceptions of AA programs. We test this proposition empirically for the first time with a Latin American female sample. Among Brazilian women managers, desire but not self-ascribed capacity to lead was reduced when they believed an AA policy was in place. Both desire’s and capacity’s relationships with belief in an AA policy were moderated by justice perceptions.

Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
New Era ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
First Time ◽  
Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

Islamic and Jewish Religious Feminists Tackle Islamic and Jewish Oral Law: Maintenance and Rebellion of Wives

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jewish Law ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Parallel Case ◽  
First Time

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.

Mosses of the State Nature Reserve "Kurgalskiy" (Leningrad Region)

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-384
Author(s):  
G. Ya. Doroshina ◽  
E. G. Ginzburg ◽  
L. E. Kurbatova
Keyword(s):  
Protected Area ◽  
Nature Reserve ◽  
The State ◽  
Leningrad Region ◽  
Protected Species ◽  
State Nature Reserve ◽  
First Time ◽  
State Nature ◽  
Area Data

The paper provides the data on mosses of the State Nature Reserve ”Kurgalskiy” situated in the Kingisepp District of the Leningrad Region. The list includes 136 species. Among them Plagiothecium nemorale is new for the Leningrad Region, 83 species are recorded for the first time for the protected area, 12 species are protected in the region, Aulacomnium androgynum is protected in Russia. Of the protected species, Plagiothecium latebricola is recorded for the first time for the protected area. Data on habitats, substrates and frequency of every species are provided.

Development of Interethnic Relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the First Decades after the Second World War

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.

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