scholarly journals The Paradox Between Political Islam and Islamic Political Parties: The Case of West Sumatera Province

2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
Adri Wanto

<p>The aim of this paper is to explain the apparent paradox between political Islam and Islamic political parties in Indonesia. On one hand, the support for Islamic political parties is in decline, while, on the other religious intolerance and the implementation of local regulations based on the shari’ah laws have increased in many provinces. This paper argues that political Islam and Islamic political parties are not synonymous. Moreover, the aim of achieving an ideal society according to an Islamist’s vision and their religious interpretations does not only by adopt a top-down strategic model through participation in formal politics but also by using bottom-up strategic model by focusing on the societal level. By adopting gradualist approaches, hardliner Islamist ideas disseminate peacefully in Indonesia today. This study will focus on West-Sumatra as a case study, considering West Sumatra is one of the most widely province issued the shari’ah laws in Indonesia. This article will shed light on local and often underestimated dynamics.</p><p>[Artikel ini menjelaskan paradoks antara Islam politik dan partai politik Islam di Indonesia. Jika pada satu sisi, dukungan terhadap partai politik Islam menurun, namun pada sisi berbeda tingkat intoleransi dan angka peraturan daerah berbasiskan syariah meningkat. Karena itu, artikel ini berargumen bahwa Islam politik dan partai politik Islam tidak selalu sejalan. Selain itu, cita-cita untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang Islami tidak melulu harus diwujudkan dari atas-ke-bawah melalui partisipasi politik, namun juga dari bawah-ke-atas, yakni menitikberatkan pada level masyarakat. Dengan strategi gradual -perlahan-lahan-, gagasan fundamentalis Islam tanpa sadar telah menginfiltrasi. Artikel ini menjelaskan Sumatra Barat sebagai studi kasus persoalan di atas. Pilihan Sumatra Barat berdasarkan pada realitas bahwa di propinsi inilah, perda shari’ah paling banyak diberlakukan. Artikel ini akan berkontribusi pada diskusi mengenai politik lokal dan dinamikanya.]</p>

2009 ◽  
Vol 108 (722) ◽  
pp. 402-409
Author(s):  
Emile Nakhleh

It is imperative for the United States to engage mainstream Islamic political parties that are committed to gradual change through the ballot box.


Author(s):  
Agung Pratama Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Nico Oktario Adytyas

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
M Faishal Aminuddin ◽  
Romel Masykuri

<p>Study of political Islam did not paid attention to observing the patterns of thought and its transformation in political organization. Even though some studies conducted and brought analysis with case study against specific in their respective political parties. This article departs from the question of how the genealogy of political Islam thought and how it transformed into Islamic-base political parties in democratic Indonesia? The unit of analysis of this study is Islamic-based parties, having a main support base from Islamic religious organizations and had seat in parliament since 1999 election. This study reveals an important finding that Islamic-based parties had been undertakes adaptation and transforming political Islam doctrinaire with more flexible. This is proven through the tracing of consistency between values, platform and the party's work program either in parliament or the public. This study combines historical discursive approach and genealogy as an analytical framework.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (02) ◽  
pp. 235-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandaville

The phenomenal success achieved by Islamic political parties in the wake of the Arab uprisings of 2011 is one of the most significant and frequently noted developments to follow from those momentous events. Within a few months of the demise of long-standing authoritarian regimes, Islamist groups that had been banned and oppressed for decades found themselves flourishing. Soon El-Nahda in Tunisia and then Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood tasted victory in constituent assembly, legislative, and eventually presidential elections. A new area of political Islam in power had seemingly arrived.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
Author(s):  
Álvaro Ricardo de Souza Cruz ◽  
Lorena Nascimento Ramos de Almeida

 The impeachment process and party loyalty Processo de impeachment e fidelidade partidária Álvaro Ricardo de Souza Cruz* Lorena Nascimento Ramos de Almeida** REFERÊNCIA CRUZ, Álvaro Ricardo de Souza; ALMEIDA, Lorena Nascimento Ramos de. Processo de impeachment e fidelidade partidária. Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UFRGS, Porto Alegre, n. 38, p. 101-120, ago. 2018. RESUMOABSTRACTO presente trabalho visa trazer à baila a pesquisa sobre o tema da fidelidade partidária, sob o enfoque do exercício dos parlamentares de seu voto no processo de impeachment. Primeiramente analisaremos o instituto da fidelidade partidária, sob o enfoque de seu tratamento no ordenamento jurídico pátrio. Além disso, iremos estudar o que seria o “fechamento de questão” e como ele funcionaria – de forma genérica – nos partidos brasileiros. Ainda iremos estudar o processo de impeachment e a atuação dos parlamentares (Deputados e Senadores) e sua função dentro da teoria de checks and balances, no referido procedimento. Por fim, traremos um estudo de caso referente ao “fechamento de questão” pelo Partido Democrático Trabalhista – PDT, no processo de impeachment da ex-presidente Dilma Rousseff. Para atingimento dos objetivos científicos traçados, procederemos a uma abordagem de estudo qualitativa do tipo exploratória, tendo como base o levantamento bibliográfico da literatura jurídica a fim de melhor compreender os institutos jurídicos envolvidos e efetivar a contraposição dos posicionamentos existentes na atualidade sobre os temas acima descritos, almejando compreender qual o melhor posicionamento acerca dos temas por meio do desenvolvimento argumentativo das teorias atuais. The present work aims to shed light to the research on the theme of party loyalty, under the focus on the exercise of the parliamentarians’ vote during the process of impeachment. First, we will analyze the institution of party loyalty, under the focus of its treatment on the country’s legal order. In addition, we will study what would be the "fixation of matter" and how it would function – in a generic way – inside Brazilian political parties. We will then study the process of impeachment and the performance of parliamentarians (Deputies and Senators) and their function within the theory of checks and balances, in the previously mentioned procedure. Finally, we will bring a case study on the "fixation of matter" by the Democratic Labor Party - PDT, during the impeachment process of former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. In order to reach the scientific objectives outlined above, we will proceed to an exploratory qualitative study based on a bibliographical legal literature research in order to better understand the legal institutions involved in it as well as turning effective the counter parts of already existing positions on the topics described above, intending to understand the best positioning on the themes through the argumentative development of current theories. PALAVRAS-CHAVEKEYWORDSFidelidade Partidária. “Fechamento de Questão”. Impeachment. Separação de Poderes. Mandato Legislativo.Party Loyalty. “Fixation of Matter”. Impeachment. Separation of Powers. Legislative Mandate.* Professor adjunto III da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais. Graduação em Economia pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais (1985). Graduação em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (1986), Mestrado em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (1990) e Doutorado em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (2003). Procurador da República.** Mestranda em Direito pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais. Especialização em Direito Administrativo e Especialização em Direito Constitucional pela Faculdade Internacional Signorelli. Bacharel em direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Integrante da Comissão de Direito Militar da OAB/MG (2015/2018). Advogada.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-428
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110688
Author(s):  
Bobby Hajjaj

In November 2020, the government of Bangladesh announced plans to erect a 25-foot-tall sculpture of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the national memorial located in the country's capital, Dhaka. This announcement caused a massive uproar among the religious ulema and quickly turned into a quasi-mass scale movement, sparking a torrent of political and religious rhetoric from both sides. This article argues that behind the religious rhetoric, the true cause underlying this fracas was purely political in nature, and tied to the clash of two contrasting nationalist dogmas. The country's Islamic political parties and the Qawmi madrasas leaders face a clear and perceived threat from the nationalist narratives expounded by the ruling political party, the Bangladesh Awami League, and this movement was a retaliatory attempt and will not be the last.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 489-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Halim Rane

The role of Islam in the politics of Muslim-majority countries has attracted a plethora of scholarly research over the past two decades that generally refers to this phenomenon as political Islam. Much of the focus of this body of literature is concerned with the reconciliation of Islam and democracy. In recent years, the leading scholarship in this field has attempted to anticipate the future of political Islam and the prospect of post-Islamism. Asef Bayet's work on post-Islamists examines various social movements in the Middle East, arguing that Muslims have made Islam democratic by how they have defined Islam in respect to their particular socio-political contexts. However, others have expressed pessimism about the extent to which domestic conditions in Muslim-majority countries and external geopolitical factors will allow the development of an Islamic democracy. Abdelwahab El-Affendi, for instance, sees four main options for Islamists: full revolutionary takeover of their respective countries; completely withdrawing from political office to become Islamic interest or pressure groups; building broader coalitions while maintaining their ideology; or radically restructuring in order to emulate the model of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP). What is missing in this discussion is attention to the capacity of Islamic political parties to draw on Islamic tradition and evolve in response to modernity through a focus on Islam's higher objectives or amaqasidapproach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-432
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.


POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
M. Nur Rofiq Addiansyah

<p class="06IsiAbstrak">This paper will discuss about how coalition forms are carried out by political parties, especially islamic political parties. What is the coalition process, what are the motives of the coalition, and how the formation of the coalition formed will be discussed in this paper. During the Presidential and Vice President Elections in 2019, there were two candidate pairs competing, namely the Ir.Joko Widodo-KH.Maruf Amin and the couple Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno.</p><p class="06IsiAbstrak">This paper uses a qualitative method with the type of case study. The electoral realm of the 2019 Presidential Elections became the empirical space discussed. The 2019 presidential election was supported by a large coalition of Jokowi-Maruf supporters and Prabowo-Sandi suppoters. These two pairs of candidates are supported by political parties based on the Islamic and nationally voters. From this 2019 Presidential Election, we can see the ideological movements of political parties in Indonesia. <em>First</em>, political parties are still oriented towards victory rather than ideology and policy. <em>Second</em>, the ideology of political parties is increasingly blurred. <em>Third</em>, the influence of the electoral system which led to the escape of the ideology of political parties.</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document