scholarly journals The impeachment process and party loyalty

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
Author(s):  
Álvaro Ricardo de Souza Cruz ◽  
Lorena Nascimento Ramos de Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Minas Gerais ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Party Loyalty ◽  
Legal Literature ◽  
Shed Light

 The impeachment process and party loyalty Processo de impeachment e fidelidade partidária Álvaro Ricardo de Souza Cruz* Lorena Nascimento Ramos de Almeida** REFERÊNCIA CRUZ, Álvaro Ricardo de Souza; ALMEIDA, Lorena Nascimento Ramos de. Processo de impeachment e fidelidade partidária. Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UFRGS, Porto Alegre, n. 38, p. 101-120, ago. 2018. RESUMOABSTRACTO presente trabalho visa trazer à baila a pesquisa sobre o tema da fidelidade partidária, sob o enfoque do exercício dos parlamentares de seu voto no processo de impeachment. Primeiramente analisaremos o instituto da fidelidade partidária, sob o enfoque de seu tratamento no ordenamento jurídico pátrio. Além disso, iremos estudar o que seria o “fechamento de questão” e como ele funcionaria – de forma genérica – nos partidos brasileiros. Ainda iremos estudar o processo de impeachment e a atuação dos parlamentares (Deputados e Senadores) e sua função dentro da teoria de checks and balances, no referido procedimento. Por fim, traremos um estudo de caso referente ao “fechamento de questão” pelo Partido Democrático Trabalhista – PDT, no processo de impeachment da ex-presidente Dilma Rousseff. Para atingimento dos objetivos científicos traçados, procederemos a uma abordagem de estudo qualitativa do tipo exploratória, tendo como base o levantamento bibliográfico da literatura jurídica a fim de melhor compreender os institutos jurídicos envolvidos e efetivar a contraposição dos posicionamentos existentes na atualidade sobre os temas acima descritos, almejando compreender qual o melhor posicionamento acerca dos temas por meio do desenvolvimento argumentativo das teorias atuais. The present work aims to shed light to the research on the theme of party loyalty, under the focus on the exercise of the parliamentarians’ vote during the process of impeachment. First, we will analyze the institution of party loyalty, under the focus of its treatment on the country’s legal order. In addition, we will study what would be the "fixation of matter" and how it would function – in a generic way – inside Brazilian political parties. We will then study the process of impeachment and the performance of parliamentarians (Deputies and Senators) and their function within the theory of checks and balances, in the previously mentioned procedure. Finally, we will bring a case study on the "fixation of matter" by the Democratic Labor Party - PDT, during the impeachment process of former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. In order to reach the scientific objectives outlined above, we will proceed to an exploratory qualitative study based on a bibliographical legal literature research in order to better understand the legal institutions involved in it as well as turning effective the counter parts of already existing positions on the topics described above, intending to understand the best positioning on the themes through the argumentative development of current theories. PALAVRAS-CHAVEKEYWORDSFidelidade Partidária. “Fechamento de Questão”. Impeachment. Separação de Poderes. Mandato Legislativo.Party Loyalty. “Fixation of Matter”. Impeachment. Separation of Powers. Legislative Mandate.* Professor adjunto III da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais. Graduação em Economia pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais (1985). Graduação em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (1986), Mestrado em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (1990) e Doutorado em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (2003). Procurador da República.** Mestranda em Direito pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais. Especialização em Direito Administrativo e Especialização em Direito Constitucional pela Faculdade Internacional Signorelli. Bacharel em direito pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Integrante da Comissão de Direito Militar da OAB/MG (2015/2018). Advogada.

scholarly journals The Spotlight's Harsh Glare: Rethinking Publicity and International Order

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 627-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Carnegie ◽  
Austin Carson
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
International Order ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Do So

AbstractHow does publicizing states' illicit activities affect the stability of international order? What does this relationship tell us about how governments react to violations of international rules? In contrast to the conventional wisdom that transparent monitoring strengthens the normative legal order, we argue that these activities often undermine it. We develop two mechanisms through which this occurs: by raising the known rate of noncompliance, and by sharpening the threat that deviance poses to other states. We argue that when enforcers understand the dangers of publicizing transgressions, they do so selectively. Focusing on the nuclear nonproliferation domain, we demonstrate that these concerns shaped American decisions to reveal or obfuscate other states' efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. We formalize this argument and then empirically test the model's predictions using in-depth case study analyses. We find that the US failed to disclose infractions when this publicity would have undermined the rules through the two mechanisms we identify. However, while concealing violations can prevent proliferation in response to specific nuclear programs, it can also create potential dangers to a regime's overall health and stability. In addition to reassessing a widely shared assumption about the value of transparent monitoring, this article's broad theoretical framework can shed light on enforcement and compliance dynamics in a variety of international settings.

scholarly journals The Paradox Between Political Islam and Islamic Political Parties: The Case of West Sumatera Province

2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
Adri Wanto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Apparent Paradox ◽  
Religious Intolerance ◽  
Strategic Model ◽  
West Sumatra ◽  
Societal Level ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
Shed Light

<p>The aim of this paper is to explain the apparent paradox between political Islam and Islamic political parties in Indonesia. On one hand, the support for Islamic political parties is in decline, while, on the other religious intolerance and the implementation of local regulations based on the shari’ah laws have increased in many provinces. This paper argues that political Islam and Islamic political parties are not synonymous. Moreover, the aim of achieving an ideal society according to an Islamist’s vision and their religious interpretations does not only by adopt a top-down strategic model through participation in formal politics but also by using bottom-up strategic model by focusing on the societal level. By adopting gradualist approaches, hardliner Islamist ideas disseminate peacefully in Indonesia today. This study will focus on West-Sumatra as a case study, considering West Sumatra is one of the most widely province issued the shari’ah laws in Indonesia. This article will shed light on local and often underestimated dynamics.</p><p>[Artikel ini menjelaskan paradoks antara Islam politik dan partai politik Islam di Indonesia. Jika pada satu sisi, dukungan terhadap partai politik Islam menurun, namun pada sisi berbeda tingkat intoleransi dan angka peraturan daerah berbasiskan syariah meningkat. Karena itu, artikel ini berargumen bahwa Islam politik dan partai politik Islam tidak selalu sejalan. Selain itu, cita-cita untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang Islami tidak melulu harus diwujudkan dari atas-ke-bawah melalui partisipasi politik, namun juga dari bawah-ke-atas, yakni menitikberatkan pada level masyarakat. Dengan strategi gradual -perlahan-lahan-, gagasan fundamentalis Islam tanpa sadar telah menginfiltrasi. Artikel ini menjelaskan Sumatra Barat sebagai studi kasus persoalan di atas. Pilihan Sumatra Barat berdasarkan pada realitas bahwa di propinsi inilah, perda shari’ah paling banyak diberlakukan. Artikel ini akan berkontribusi pada diskusi mengenai politik lokal dan dinamikanya.]</p>

Los frenos del poder (Una introducción al principio de separación de poderes y al control de las instituciones en los sistemas constitucionales)

2014 ◽  
pp. 1791-1812
Author(s):  
Rafael JIMÉNEZ ASENSIO
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The United States ◽  
Original Model ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Institutional Control ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
And Control ◽  
Formal Application

LABURPENA: Lan hau laster argitaratuko den izenburu bereko ikerketa baten sarrera da: «Boterearen balaztak (botere-banaketa eta instituzioen kontrola sistema konstituzionaletan). Sarrera honetan, zuzenean, botere-banaketa ulertzeko bi ikuskera handi daudela planteatzen da. Lehenengoa, orekaren ideian oinarritua (edo «checks and balances») anglosaxoia da jatorriz, baina Estatu Batuetan bakarrik errotu zen; Ingalaterra, berriz, pixkanaka urrundu egin zen hasiera batean babestu zuen eredutik. Bigarrenak Frantziako Iraultzan du jatorria, non botere-banaketaren printzipioa aplikatu zen «formalki», nahiz eta benetan botereetako bat besteen gainetik egon zen beti. Botere-banaketaren printzipioaren inteligentzia desberdin horren ondorioak instituzioak kontrolatzeko sistemetan proiektatu ziren, eta bi eredu handi sortu ziren, nahiz eta hiru aldaera izan bakoitzak. Lan honetan, bilakaera horren oinarrizko elementuak marrazten dira, azalduz zein den alderdi politikoen egitekoa boterearen kontrolak diseinatzeko sistema instituzionalean, zein rol jakin hartuko duen jurisdikzio konstituzionalak Europan gabezia horietako batzuk zuzentzeko bitarteko gisa, eta nola ugaritu diren kontrol— eta arau-organoak, boterea kontrolatzeko bitarteko gisa (askotan bitarteko formala eta urria). RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es una Introducción a un Estudio que, titulado igualmente, «Los frenos del poder (separación de poderes y control de las instituciones en los sistemas constitucionales)» verá la luz próximamente. En esta Introducción se plantea directamente la existencia de dos grandes concepciones de entender el principio de separación de poderes. La primera, basada en la idea de equilibrio (o «checks and balances») es de origen anglosajón, pero arraigó solo en Estados Unidos, mientras que Inglaterra se fue distanciando de ese modelo inicial que había auspiciado. La segunda tiene su origen en la Revolución Francesa donde se llevó a cabo una aplicación «formal» del principio de separación de poderes, pero que en la práctica siempre supuso el dominio de uno de los poderes sobre los demás. Las consecuencias de esa distinta inteligencia del principio de separación de poderes se proyectaron sobre los sistemas de control institucional, dando lugar a dos grandes modelos, aunque con tres variantes. En el trabajo se dibujan los elementos básicos de esa evolución, mediante el papel que juegan los partidos políticos en el sistema institucional de diseño de controles del poder, el rol particular que adquirirá la jurisdicción constitucional en Europa como medio de subsanar algunas de esas carencias y la multiplicación de órganos de control y reguladores como medio (muchas veces formal e insuficiente) de controlar el poder. ABSTRACT: This work is and introduction to a study entitled “The brakes to power (separation of powers and control of the institutions in constitutional systems)” which will see the light soon. In this introduction it is directly suggested that two great conceptions of understanding the separation of powers exist. The first one, based on the idea of balance (or “check and balances”) is of anglosaxon origin but it only became ingrained in the United States, whereas England did separate from that original model that it had supported. The second one has its origin in the French Revolution where a formal application of the principle of separation of powers took place, but that in the practice it always meant a control of one power over the others. The consequences of this different comprehension of the principle of separation of powers did project on the systems of institutional control, resulting in two great models, although with three variants. In this work the basic elements of this evolution are drawn by means of the role played by political parties in the design of the institutional system of controlling the power, the particular role that will achieve the constitutional jurisdiction across Europe as a mean of addressing the lacks and the multiplication of bodies of control and regulation as means (many times formal and not sufficient) of controlling the power.

Part 4 Constitutionalism and Separation of Powers, 4.8 Indonesia: A Presidential System with Checks and Balances

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hosen Nadirsyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The World ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
State Method ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the antidemocratic political philosophy of organic statism into a more coherent, complete, democratic framework for a presidential system with significant separation of powers and checks and balances. The very fact that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world did not lead Islamic political parties to propose that Indonesia should become an Islamic state. According to the amendments, Indonesia remains a republic, with a presidential system and three branches of government. The chapter discusses the form of the Indonesian state, method of election, requirements, accountability, and relationship among the executive, the parliament, and the judiciary.

scholarly journals Domestic Soft Law Regulation during the COVID-19 Lockdown in Hungary: A Novel Regulatory Approach to a Unique Global Challenge

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Petra Lea LÁNCOS ◽  
László CHRISTIÁN
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Soft Law ◽  
Specific Context ◽  
Protective Measures ◽  
Global Challenge ◽  
Legal Literature ◽  
Regulatory Approach ◽  
Administrative Governance

On 13 March 2020 the Hungarian Government announced the immediate closure of all schools throughout the country to prevent the spread of COVID-19 forcing several hundred thousand children to learn from home, and teachers to ensure their education. The Hungarian Educational Authority hurried to issue recommendations on the use of digital education tools. During the COVID-19 pandemic and the special legal order consequently introduced by the Hungarian Government, Hungary has seen the emergence of such non-binding measures adopted by public entities, complementing governmental action against the pandemic, with the aim of providing guidance to bodies exercising a public service function (“addressees”). These protective measures adopted under the special legal order are deemed to be successful and are largely followed by the addressees. Since soft law has hitherto been neglected by both Hungarian administrative governance and the legal literature, the recent burgeoning of non-binding measures deserves scholarly attention. In this article, we set out to map the specific context of the emergence of domestic soft law and the conditions for its adoption and reception, relying on our case study conducted in respect of the National Educational Authority’s recommendations.

2018 Fiji Election Results: Patterns of Voting by Provinces, Rural-Urban Localities, and by Candidates

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quantitative Analyses ◽  
Election Results

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.

Gadamer com Platão e o conhecimento na hermenêutica filosófica

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Cristian Marques
Keyword(s):  
Sao Paulo ◽  
Harvard University ◽  
British Society ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Empirical Knowledge ◽  
Philosophical Hermeneutics ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Belo Horizonte ◽  
Hans Georg Gadamer ◽  
Shed Light

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é explicitar aspectos da interpretação de Gadamer à Carta Sétima de Platão que lancem luz sobre quais traços fundamentais são imprescindíveis a uma epistemologia que se ancore na hermenêutica filosófica. Merold Westphal propôs em um artigo que a hermenêutica filosófica poderia fornecer elementos para uma renovação da epistemologia analítica. O presente trabalho inscreve-se no interesse amplo de tratar sobre que implicações teriam para noção de conhecimento se a epistemologia seguisse o caminho apontado por Westphal. Para tanto, escolhemos um trabalho onde Hans Georg Gadamer, principal defensor da hermenêutica filosófica, explora uma interpretação fenomenológica de Platão em que identificamos elementos relevantes para pensar a noção de conhecimento dentro dessa chave de leitura. Hans-Georg Gadamer explora, sob a luz de sua concepção ontológico-hermenêutica, o texto da Carta Sétima, dando um entendimento renovado a alguns aspectos da obra platônica, bem como indicações a uma compreensão fenomenológica do conhecimento.  Palavras-chave: Teoria do Conhecimento. Gadamer. Platão. Carta Sétima. Hermenêutica.   Abstract: The aim of this article is to make explicit aspects of Gadamer 's interpretation of Plato's Seventh Letter that shed light on what fundamental traits are indispensable to an epistemology that is anchored in philosophical hermeneutics. Merold Westphal proposed in an article that philosophical hermeneutics could provide elements for a renewal of analytic epistemology. This paper is part of the broader interest of discussing what implications would have for the notion of knowledge if epistemology followed the path Westphal pointed out. For this, we chose a work where Hans Georg Gadamer, the main defender of philosophical hermeneutics, explores a phenomenological interpretation of Plato in which we identify relevant elements to think the notion of knowledge within this key of reading. Hans-Georg Gadamer explores, in the light of his ontological-hermeneutic conception, the text of the Seventh Letter, giving a renewed understanding to some aspects of the Platonic work, as well as indications to a phenomenological understanding of knowledge.  Keywords: Theory of Knowledge. Gadamer. Plato. Seventh Letter. Hermeneutics. REFERÊNCIASBONJOUR, L. The structure of empirical knowledge. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985.GADAMER, H.-G. Dialektik ist nicht Sophistik. Theätet lernt das im Sophistes. In: Griechische Philosophie. t.3. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 7. Tubingen: Mohr, 1985c [1990], pp.338-370._______. Dialektik und Sophistik im siebenten Platonischen Brief. In: Griechische Philosophie. t.2. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 6. Tubingen: Mohr, 1985b [1964], pp.90-115._______. Die phänomenologische Bewegung. In: Neuere Philosophie, t. 1; Hegel, Husserl, Heidegger. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 3. Tubingen: Mohr, 1987 [1963], pp.105-146._______. Hegel und Heidegger. In: Neuere Philosophie, t. 1; Hegel, Husserl, Heidegger. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 3. Tubingen: Mohr, 1987 [1971], pp.87-101._______. Platos dialektische Ethik. In: Griechische Philosophie. t.1. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 5. Tubingen: Mohr, 1985a [1931], pp.3-163._______. Platos dialektische Ethik - beim Wort genommen. In: Griechische Philosophie. t.3.  Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 7. Tubingen: Mohr, 1985c [1989], pp.121-127._______. Praktisches Wissen. In: Griechische Philosophie. t.1. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 5. Tubingen: Mohr, 1985a [1930], pp.230-248._______. Wahrheit und Methode: Grundzüge einer philosophischen Hermeneutik. In: Hermeneutik I. Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 1. Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1990 [1960].GRONDIN, J. Einführung zu Gadamer. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000._______. Von Heidegger zu Gadamer: Unterwegs zur Hermeneutik. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft – WBG, 2001.HEIDEGGER, M. Sein und Zeit. 19. Faksimile-Ausgabe der 1. Ausgabe. Tübingen: Verlag, 2006 [1927].PLATÃO. Opera Platonis. Recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit Ioannes Burnet. Scriptorum Classicorum. Bibliotheca Oxoniensis, v.1-6. Oxford: Clarendoniano Typographeo, 1900.///RORTY, R. A filosofia e o espelho da natureza. Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará, 1994.ROHDEN, L. Filosofa enquanto Fenomenologia e Hermenêutica à luz da Carta VII de Platão. In: BOMBASSARO, L. C.; DALBOSCO, C. A.; KUIAVA, E. A., (org.). Pensar Sensível. Festscrift ao prof. Jayme Paviani. Caxias do Sul, RS: Educs, 2011, pp. 87-104._______. Filosofando com Gadamer e Platão: movimentos, momentos e método[s] da dialética. Dissertatio, 36 (2012), pp. 105-130. Disponível em: <http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/dissertatio.v36i0.8660> (acessado em 09.08.2018)._______. Hermenêutica e[m] resposta ao elogio da verdadeira filosofia da Carta Sétima de Platão. In: Kriterion, Belo Horizonte, v. 54, 127 (2013), p. 25-42. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0100-512X2013000100002&lng=en&nrm=iso > (acessado em 17.09.2018)._______. Filosofar com Gadamer e Platão: hermenêutica filosófica a partir da Carta Sétima. 1. ed. São Paulo: Annablume, 2018.SMITH, P. C. H.-G. Gadamer’s Heideggerian Interpretation of Plato. In: Journal of the British Society for Phenomenology, Stockport, England, v. 12, 3 (1981), pp. 211–230. Disponível em: <https://doi.org/10.1080/00071773.1981.11007544> (acessado em 06.07.2018).VALENTIM, I. A Carta VII, o manifesto e a autobiografia política de Platão. In: Revista Opinião Filosófica, Porto Alegre, v. 3, 1 (2012), pp-60-72. Disponível em: <http://periodico.abavaresco.com.br/index.php/opiniaofilosofica/article/view/435> (acessado em 17.09.2018).WESTPHAL, M. A hermenêutica enquanto epistemologia. In: GRECO, J.; SOSA, E. (orgs.). Compêndio de Epistemologia. São Paulo: Loyola, 2008. pp. 645-676. 

Considerações sobre motivação e produtividade: estudo de caso em uma delegacia da polícia civil em Minas Gerais

Revista Foco ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Rafaella Cristina Campos ◽  
Natália Fernandes Fonseca ◽  
Odemir Vieira Baeta
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Intangible Assets ◽  
Institutional Context ◽  
Minas Gerais ◽  
Clear Correlation ◽  
Classical Sense ◽  
Institutional Rules ◽  
Fixed Grid ◽  
Depth Interviews

O objetivo é averiguar a correlação dos fatores motivacionais e produtivos no contexto institucional da Polícia Civil. O estudo de caso foi conduzido por entrevistas em profundidade com um Delegado de Polícia, um Investigador de Polícia, e um Escrivão de Polícia. A análise de conteúdo foi utilizada. Conclui-se que há evidente correlação entre o desenvolvimento de artefatos motivacionais, sejam eles de ordem ambiental ou individual, com a produtividade na instituição da Polícia Civil. Destaca-se também, que apesar do controle e avaliação dos índices de produtividade serem predominantemente burocráticos, institucionalizados e legitimados, a ligação que se estabelece com a manifestação dos artefatos motivacionais é subjetiva, relacional e intangível nas normas institucionais. Destaca-se este evento neste artigo, porque como foi visto anteriormente, tanto a natureza do trabalho, quanto o ambiente da Polícia Civil, estão em total desencontro ao desenvolvimento de produtividade e motivação no sentido clássico destas vertentes. The aims is to determine the correlation of the motivational and productive factors in the institutional context of the Civil Police. The case study was conducted by in-depth interviews with a Chief of Police, Police Investigator, and Actuary Police. The content analysis was used for fixed grid. It is concluded that there is clear correlation between the development of motivational artifacts, whether environmental or individual order, with productivity in the civil police institution. Also noteworthy is that despite the control and evaluation of productivity indexes were predominantly bureaucratic, institutionalized and legitimized, the connection that is established with the manifestation of motivational artifacts is subjective, relational and intangible assets in the institutional rules. It highlights this event in this article, because as discussed above, both the nature of the work, as the environment of the Civil Police, are in complete disagreement with the development of productivity and motivation in the classical sense of the aforementioned areas.

Institutional organisation of the European Union in the time of crisis – horizontal division of power and functions

2016 ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Monika Poboży
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
European Council ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Institutional System ◽  
The Eu

The article poses a question about the existence of the rule of separation of powers in the EU institutional system, as it is suggested by the wording of the treaties. The analysis led to the conclusion, that in the EU institutional system there are three separated functions (powers) assigned to different institutions. The Council and the European Parliament are legislative powers, the Commission and the European Council create a “divided executive”. The Court of Justice is a judicial power. The above mentioned institutions gained strong position within their main functions (legislative, executive, judicial), but the proper mechanisms of checks and balances have not been developed, especially in the relations between legislative and executive power. These powers do not limit one another in the EU system. In the EU there are therefore three separated but arbitrary powers – because they do not limit and balance one another, and are not fully controlled by the member states.

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