scholarly journals A Peep into the History and Experiences of the Cooperative Movement in Zambia

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Mukwalikuli Mundia ◽  
Sitali Wamundila ◽  
Daniel Siakalima ◽  
Chewe Nkonde ◽  
Francis Simui

This study is a reflection on the history and experiences of cooperative movement in Zambia in three stages (the colonial era, from 1914 to 1963, the post-colonial era from 1964 to 1990 and the cooperative movement in the liberalized economy in Zambia, from 1991 to present). The study used secondary data from various studies. The thrust of this study explored the history and experiences of cooperative movement in Zambia and how the economic and political changes affected the cooperative movement in Zambia. This information is very critical, especially to those who would want to enhance and harness the cooperative movement in Zambia. Emergent from this study is the continued political and econmic influence on cooperatives. Cooperatives were noted to be struggling to cope with the stiff competition, which was due to the liberalization of the economy in the country. The current poor performance by cooperatives was attributed to the failure to swiftly change from the 1964 to 1991 era, where cooperatives were operating as channels for distrusting government resources in a closed economy. Thus, it is recommended among others that, Government should stop the issue of imposing projects on the cooperative communities, business ideas should come from the cooperatives members themselves as a way of entrenching business ownership. In addition, cooperatives societies should start being innovative in order for them to be able stand the stiff competition which is due to the liberalization of the economy.  

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1&2) ◽  
pp. 139-156
Author(s):  
Loraine D. Cook

Using a post-colonial lens, this paper describes the changes and constants in Jamaica’s educational system between the 19th and the early 21st century using academic literature and secondary data from the Ministry of Education. High schools initially emerged in Jamaica for the upper and middle classes only, based on the families’ income level, thus excluding children from the lower income bracket. Over time, breaking the glass ceiling for lower-income students became more possible as education included students moving from elementary to high school based on merit. This still restricted a large body of lower-income students who needed the tools and merit for success in the exit examination to high schools. In the 21st century there is more direct intervention in the Jamaican school system through funding and policies that change the high school education structure available to lower-income families, making it more possible for upward mobility on the social ladder. While there may be legacies of the colonial era, Jamaica has made significant strides in moving away from her turbulent past.


2021 ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Mlambo

Lesotho offers an exciting case study for the analysis of the interface between power, politics and instability. Since gaining its independence from Britain in 1966, Lesotho has over the last five decades been plagued by persistent political instability that has paved way for the breakdown of the rule of law, gross human rights violations, underdevelopment and insecurity where at times the security sector like the Lesotho Defence Force has taken over several key institutions in the country. Political instability in the tiny kingdom has been a daunting agenda for all concerned actors, including political parties, civil society, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and other continental stakeholders. While the security sector of any state is of importance, it becomes problematic if it becomes involved in a state’s political affairs. The repercussions of such trajectories of governance have been quite profound for democratic stability and security. Using a qualitative methodology, supplemented by secondary data, this article seeks to unearth Lesotho’s political instability, the role of its security forces and continental actors in its continuous internal governance crisis post the colonial era. The article rightfully shows that The power, possessed by both the military and police, has made them have a robust role in state affairs rather than institutions, mandated to safeguard Lesotho’s citizens. The legitimacy of the security sector underpins restructuring, transparent and accessible security sectors enhance healthy civil-military relations. Restructuring a state’s security and political dynamic reforms is not an easy task, it requires a state managerial and dedication prowess and assistance from different role players and therefore an ample amount of time and effort is invested in the coordination of this process.


AMERTA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Hafiful Hadi Sunliensyar

Abstract. The Latest of Archaeological Finds in the Northwest-North of Kerinci Valley, Jambi Highland: A Preliminary Report. Last decade archeological research in Kerinci area, only focused on the south of Kerinci Lake. This region admittedly has archaeological finds richly and has been reported since the colonial era. The report was followed by research working comprehensively in that region eighty years after. The research revealed that archeological finds in the south of Kerinci Lake came from the neolithic to proto-historic era. However, the finds of earthenware fragments accidentally, have discovered the new information about archaeological finds in the north of Kerinci Lake or the northwest-north of Kerinci valley. The purpose of this research is to map the distribution and describing the character of archaeological finds in the northwest-north of Kerinci valley. This research utilizes a descriptive method worked in three stages, videlicet collecting, analyze, and interpreting data. In collecting the data stage collected the primary data and secondary data. In the analyzing stage, utilized qualitative analysis by noticing form, style, and technology attributes. This research revealed that the northwest-north of Kerinci valley area has artifact finds in the form of cord-marked earthenware, red slipped earthenware, and Chinese ceramics. Furthermore, found the carving-stones (petroglyph) too.   Abstrak. Penelitian arkeologi dekade terakhir di kawasan Kerinci hanya terfokus pada kawasan di selatan Danau Kerinci. Kawasan ini memang memiliki tinggalan arkeologis yang cukup padat dan telah dilaporkan sejak era kolonial. Laporan tersebut ditindaklanjuti dengan melakukan penelitian yang lebih komprehensif di kawasan tersebut puluhan tahun sesudahnya. Penelitian tersebut mengungkapkan bahwa tinggalan arkeologis di sebelah selatan Danau Kerinci berasal dari masa Neolitik hingga Protosejarah. Namun, temuan artefak tembikar secara tidak sengaja di situs Siulak Tenang pada 2010, telah membuka pengetahuan baru tentang adanya tinggalan arkeologis di bagian utara Danau Kerinci atau bagian barat laut-utara lembah Kerinci. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui sebaran dan mendeskripsikan tinggalan arkeologi di barat laut-utara Lembah Kerinci. Penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif yang dilaksanakan dalam tiga tahap, yaitu pengumpulan data, analisis data dan interpretasi. Pada tahap pengumpulan data, dilakukan pengumpulan data primer dan data sekuder. Pada tahap analisis data digunakan analisis kualitiatif dengan memperhatikan atribut bentuk, gaya, dan teknologi. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa kawasan baratlaut-utara Lembah Kerinci memiliki tinggalan artefak berupa tembikar tatap tali, tembikar slip merah, dan keramik Cina. Selain itu, juga ditemukan -batu bergores (petroglif).


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arif Hasan ◽  
Dedi Budiman Hakim ◽  
Irdika Mansur

This study aims to analyze causes of the low uptake of the budget and formulate a strategy of maximizing the absorption of expenditure on Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lingkungan Hidup dan Kehutanan Manokwari. Respondents involved are 20 people that consist of: treasury officials and holder output of activity. The data used were secondary data in the form of reports on budget realization (LRA) quarter I, II, III and IV of the fiscal year 2011 to 2015, and the primary data were in the form of interviews with the help of a questionnaire. While the analysis of the data used was descriptive analysis using data tabulation, and the analysis of the three stages strategy of the decision making used IFE and EFE matrix, SWOT matrix and QSPM matrix.The results showed that there are 19 factors causing low of budget absorption until the end of the third quarter, and there were 10 drafts of policy as a strategy for maximizing the absorption of the budget on Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lingkungan Hidup dan Kehutanan Manokwari.ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penyebab rendahnya penyerapan anggaran belanja dan merumuskan strategi maksimalisasi penyerapan anggaran belanja pada Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lingkungan Hidup dan Kehutanan Manokwari. Responden yang terlibat adalah 20 orang yaitu pejabat perbendaharaan dan pemegang output kegiatan. Data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder berupa laporan realisasi anggaran (LRA) triwulan I, II, III dan IV tahun anggaran 2011 sampai 2015, dan data primer berupa wawancara dengan bantuan kuesioner. Sedangkan analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif menggunakan analisis tabulasi, dan analisis analisis strategi tiga tahap pengambilan keputusan menggunakan matriks IFE dan EFE, matriks SWOT dan matriks QSPM. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat 19 faktor penyebab rendahnya penyerapan anggaran belanja sampai akhir triwulan III, dan terdapat 10 rancangan kebijakan sebagai strategi maksimalisasi penyerapan anggaran belanja di Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lingkungan Hidup dan Kehutanan Manokwari.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Adebukola Dagunduro ◽  
Adebimpe Adenugba

AbstractWomen’s activism within various ethnic groups in Nigeria dates back to the pre-colonial era, with notable heroic leaders, like Moremi of Ife, Amina of Zaria, Emotan of Benin, Funmilayo Kuti, Margaret Ekpo and many others. The participation of Nigerian women in the Beijing Conference of 1995 led to a stronger voice for women in the political landscape. Several women’s rights groups have sprung up in the country over the years. Notable among them are the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND) and Female in Nigeria (FIN). However, majority have failed to actualize significant political, social or economic growth. This paper examines the challenges and factors leading to their inability to live up to people’s expectations. Guided by patriarchy and liberal feminism theories, this paper utilizes both historical and descriptive methods to examine these factors. The paper argues that a lack of solidarity among women’s groups, financial constraints, unfavourable political and social practices led to the inability of women’s groups in Nigeria to live up to the envisaged expectations. The paper concludes that, for women’s activist groups to survive in Nigeria, a quiet but significant social revolution is necessary among women. Government should also formulate and implement policies that will empower women politically, economically and socially.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199717
Author(s):  
Joan Ricart-Huguet

Political elites tend to favor their home region when distributing resources. But what explains how political power is distributed across a country’s regions to begin with? Explanations of cabinet formation focus on short-term strategic bargaining and some emphasize that ministries are allocated equitably to minimize conflict. Using new data on the cabinet members (1960–2010) of 16 former British and French African colonies, I find that some regions have been systematically much more represented than others. Combining novel historical and geospatial records, I show that this regional political inequality derives not from colonial-era development in general but from colonial-era education in particular. I argue that post-colonial ministers are partly a byproduct of civil service recruitment practices among European administrators that focused on levels of literacy. Regional political inequality is an understudied pathway through which colonial legacies impact distributive politics and unequal development in Africa today. JEL: F54, I26, N37, N47


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
William G. Dzekashu ◽  
Julius N. Anyu

The West, chiefly Europe, left political footmarks in Africa from the Colonial Era, along with varying economic footprints and surviving engagements in the immediate Post-colonial Era. However, the relationships between Africa and her former colonial masters have hardly yielded much to the former following the wave of independence, leading to the perception of failed relationships. This perception of failure to deliver on their undertakings has left Africa with only one option—China. The latter has been addressing some of Africa’s urgent infrastructure needs in return for natural resources and agricultural products. These engagements on the surface appear to be good business, but on further examination seem questionable notably as it relates to debt distress on vulnerable economies. To increase her footprint within the continent, China extended her Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to most African nations who have signed a memorandum of understanding for future development projects. Though the commitments usually are unspecified, China’s investments have seen rapid growth since the early 2000s, largely owing to the implementation of the BRI. The memoranda have had the potential to strengthen ties with partner nations. The expansion to include Africa in its economic participation in the BRI has left the West questioning China’s motives while reinforcing suspicions about possible future US-China conflict. The impact of BRI on the African continent is quite visible in all the subregions, especially in their improved gross domestic products. A burning question has been whether these partnerships represent win-win relationships for sustainable growth or debt-growth dynamics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-157
Author(s):  
Parvez Hassan

Abstract In the post-colonial era, the newly emerging and independent states of Asia and Africa, supported by the developing world in South America, questioned the validity and legitimacy of norms of international law. Those norms were perceived to serve only the interests of the developed Western nations and were alien to the aspirations of the developing countries. International law has evolved over time, with a willingness to accept the viewpoint of new participants in the global process in a variety of contexts. These include the international protection of human rights and international law regarding the permanent sovereignty of nations over their natural wealth and resources. The interests of developing countries have been assimilated, though the extent to which this is done varies. A central message advanced is that the ultimate integrity of international law is the commonality and synthesis of the interests of all states, rich and poor, agricultural and industrial. The continuing contribution of developing countries, through their participation in conferences, negotiation of treaties and soft law texts, adds immeasurable strength to the current state and future development of international environmental law.


Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 558-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Fanthorpe

The chiefdoms of Sierra Leone are institutions of colonial origin but nevertheless continue to serve as local government units in the post-colonial state. The prevailing view among scholars is that these institutions have little basis in indigenous political culture, and have furthermore become breeding grounds of political corruption. This view has tended to elide anthropological analysis of internal chiefdom politics. However, it is argued in this article that such conclusions are premature. With reference to the Biriwa Limba chiefdom of northern Sierra Leone, it is shown that historical precedent, in many cases relating to prominent political figures of the late nineteenth century, continues to serve as a primary means of ordering local rights in land, settlement and political representation. This phenomenon is not a product of innate conservatism but emerges rather as a pragmatic response to the persistent failure of successive Sierra Leone administrations to extend modern measures of citizenship to the bulk of the rural populace. Rights and properties have become progressively localised in villages originally registered for tax collection in the early colonial era. Here one finds one of the most telling legacies of the British policy of indirect rule in post-colonial Sierra Leone.


IIUC Studies ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Sarwar Alam

Imperialism has been the most powerful force in world history over last four or five centuries. The world has moved from the colonial to post-colonial era or neoimperialism. Throughout the period, the imperialists have changed their grounds and strategies in imperialistic rules. But the ultimate objective has remained the same- to rule and exploit the natives with their multifaceted dominance-technological, economic and military. Through dominance with these, they have been, to a great extent, successful in establishing their racial and cultural superiority. George Orwell is popularly known to be an anti-imperialist writer. This paper, I believe, will lead us to an almost different conclusion. Here, we discover the inevitable dilemma in a disguised imperialist. We discover the seeds of imperialism under the mask of anti-imperialism. In this regard, it studies his revealing short story "Shooting an Elephant". It also humbly approaches to refute Barry Hindess' arguments supporting neoimperialism.   doi: 10.3329/iiucs.v3i0.2664   IIUC STUDIES Vol. - 3, December 2006 (p 5-62)  


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