scholarly journals Reforma szkolna z roku 2016 – troska o ucznia czy innowacja na zamówienie polityczne

1970 ◽  
pp. 291-309
Author(s):  
Dorota Rondalska

This article is devoted to the school reform of December 2016. The author discusses its appropriateness, the way it is introduced, and the social climate that accompanies it. This reform re-introduces the state from before 1998, i.e. an 8-year-long primary school and eliminates the junior school. The author raises a question about the justification for the reform, assuming that it does not take into account the results of the study on the effects of the 1999 reform, but may be politically-motivated. Another thesis concerns the repetition of the application errors of the previous reform as well as the formal way of introducing changes into the school system, especially the school network. The author points to a great social resistance against the reform, especially the way it is conducted and predicts that due to the hasty implementation of the reform and application errors, its effects may be half-hearted.

Author(s):  
Sukman S ◽  
Hermanto Hermanto

<em>Full-day School is a learning system by emphasizing to students to be more in school with all existing activities and emphasizes on various educational activities so that students will be more able to explore themselves. With this system is able to shape the character of students by giving or planting moral and religios</em><em>ity</em><em> values. In 2016, the full-day school system was announced by the Indonesian Minister of Education and Culture, Mr. Muhajir Efendi and raised the pros and cons for its implementation. Al Izzah Integrated Islamic Primary School </em><em>in </em><em>Sorong City West Papua is a leading and favorite private primary school in Sorong City, West Papua, which has been implementing a full-day school system, starting from 2006 until now. The full-day school system implemented by Al Izzah Integrated Islamic Primary School in Sorong City is different from other schools, the time is to go home late in the afternoon but the concept of implementation is different. Full-day school</em><em> of</em><em> Al Izzah Integrated Islamic Primary School </em><em>in </em><em>Sorong City refers to the Curriculum of the Integrated Islamic School Network. The system is used because the program needs a lot of time. </em><em>This is a qualitative descriptive research. The primary data source comes from the Chairperson of the Al-Izzah Foundation, the principal, teachers, and students of Al-Izzah Integrated Islamic Primary School in Sorong City. The data collection techniques that are used is observation, interview, and documentation. The data are analyzed by Miles and Huberman method.</em> <em>Student output with the application of a full-day school system at Al Izzah Integrated Islamic Primary School in Sorong City, namely tartil students reading the Qur'an and memorizing at least 2 Juz Al-Qur'an, 5 values in the field of study are complete, d</em><em>h</em><em>uha and dhuhur prayers in congregation with awareness, dedicated to parents/teachers, good social behavior, love environment, and </em><em>independence</em><em>. The output includes the characters of Al Izzah Integrated Islamic Primary School students who have character, achievement, and independence.</em>


Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter discusses the provisions of Art. 7 of the Grundgesetz (GG) concerning the state's organisational power, the freedom to establish private schools, and the legal position of parents, students, and educators. Art. 7 para 1. GG grants the state the authority — and imposes the obligation — to not stand by and allow the school system to be operated on its own, for example by commercial providers or religious or philosophical communities. Other provisions relate to religious instruction and the abolition of the pre-primary school. The chapter examines the jurisprudence of the Federal Constitutional Court with regard to the state's power to organise schools, child-rearing and instruction (for example, the issue of sex education in schools), the rights of parents concerning the care and education of children, and the rights of students in school.


Author(s):  
Mélanie Claude ◽  
Stéphanie Gaudet

Cet article pose un regard critique sur la catégorie de l’entrepreneur social présente dans le paysage socioéconomique québécois contemporain. L’objectif est de comprendre comment les processus de formalisation et d’informalisation de l’État participent à la construction de cette catégorie sociale. Pour ce faire, nous établissons quatre périodicités des dynamiques d’informalisation des services sociaux de l’État depuis les années 1960. Ces dynamiques ouvrent la voie à une ambiguïté grandissante du partage des responsabilités sociales. Ce mouvement d’informalisation cependant n’est ni unidirectionnel ni unidimensionnel. Nous expliquons qu’il s’agit de changements dans des dynamiques de partage de pouvoirs entre les sphères du marché et du communautaire que tente de réguler l’État. Ceux-ci bénéficient à certains acteurs institutionnels et ouvrent la voie à une nouvelle catégorie sociale elle-même empreinte d’ambiguïté : l’entrepreneur social.This article takes a critical look at the category of “social entrepreneur” present in the socioeconomic realm of contemporary Québec. Its objective is to understand how State processes of formalization and informalization contribute to the construction of such a social category. To that end, we describe four consecutive periods in the informalization of social services by the State since the 1960s. These four periods, as they unfold, contribute to an increasing ambiguity regarding how social responsibilities are to be shared. This process of informalization, however, is neither one-directional nor onedimensional. In our article, we observe that it reflects fluctuations in power between market and community that the State has been trying to regulate. These fluctuations benefit certain institutional actors and pave the way for a new, somewhat ambiguous, social category, that of the social entrepreneur.


The two centuries after 1800 witnessed a series of sweeping changes in the way in which Britain was governed, the duties of the state, and its role in the wider world. Powerful processes—from the development of democracy to the changing nature of the social contract, war, and economic dislocation—have challenged, and at times threatened to overwhelm, both governors and governed. Such shifts have also posed problems for the historians who have researched and written about Britain’s past politics. This volume shows the ways in which political historians have responded, and provides a snapshot of a field which has long been at the forefront of conceptual and methodological innovation within historical studies. It comprises thirty-three thematic essays written by leading and emerging scholars in the field. Collectively, these essays assess and rethink the nature of modern British political history itself, and suggest avenues and questions for future research. The Oxford Handbook of Modern British Political History thus provides a unique resource for those who wish to understand Britain’s political past and a thought-provoking ‘long view’ for those interested in current political challenges.


Author(s):  
Felipe Cesar Rebêlo

A greve é reconhecida como um instituto em constante evolução, representativo dos direitos sociais. Passa por uma evolução constante, de acordo com as demandas que surgem historicamente. Nesse ponto, se averigua como o instituto jurídico é construído, bem como a forma que sua feição política pode desenvolver. A compreensão da doutrina e da jurisprudência se faz necessária, em consonância as determinações legais, bem como ao espírito social que move multidões, em expressão de uma ação social que necessita ser revisitada considerando cânones mais profundos, e do próprio direito e da constituição do Estado, como forma de legitimação da estrutura institucional em que a sociedade pode se formatar. A forma de concretização das demandas sociais, à luz de uma preocupação que se compactue com a luta de classes no ambiente capitalista, em que o direito é analisado como instrumentalização dessa constante social, merece ponderação na análise contemplada.   Abstract: Strike is recognized as a constantly evolving institute, representative of social rights. It goes through a constant evolution, according to the demands that arise historically. At this point, it examines how the legal institute is constructed, as well as the form that its political aspect can develop. Understanding the doctrine and jurisprudence is necessary, in accordance with legal determinations, as well as the social spirit that moves crowds, in expression of a social action that needs to be revisited considering deeper canons, and of the law itself and the constitution of the State, as a way of legitimizing institutional structure in which society can be shaped. The way of concretizing social demands, in the light of a concern that is compacted with the class struggle in the capitalist environment, in which the law is analyzed as an instrumentalization of this social constant, deserves consideration in the analysis.


1989 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judyth Sachs

The concept of culture is central within the social sciences in general and multicultural education in particular. In this paper, the argument is made that the term ‘culture’ will generate a surplus of meaning by teachers and policy document writers alike. It might be expected that there will be variation in the way the concept of culture is perceived and talked about by teachers and policy writers. The results of an ethnographic study of the concepts of culture from a group of 27 primary school teachers suggest that differences between the two groups are of appearance rather than content.


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco D’Agostino

L’articolo propone l’antico tema della convivenza tra i popoli, quanto mai attuale al giorno d’oggi, per il fatto che ci troviamo di fronte a nuove forme di conflitto, non gestibili con vecchi parametri concettuali, che impongono di riflettere sul come sia possibile una società multiculturale. Le strade ipotizzabili per una convivenza a carattere interculturale e interreligioso sono soltanto tre: la via dell’assimilazione, la via della marginalizzazione e la via dell’integrazione: le prime due sono state abbondantemente sperimentate in diversi contesti politico-nazionali e mostrano da tempo tutti i loro limiti, la terza via è quella che, molto faticosamente, si cerca di mettere alla prova in molti paesi del mondo di oggi ed è quella che richiede un significativo impegno intellettuale e di buona volontà (politica e morale). Un punto essenziale che qualifica il modello dell’integrazione è il primato della persona, secondo due linee: il primato della persona sullo Stato di cui sia cittadina e il primato della persona sulla comunità di cui essa sia un membro. La persona è intesa nel suo essere soggetto in relazione, giacché essa manifesta tutte le proprie potenzialità donandosi all’altro e non chiudendosi autoreferenzialmente in se stessa. Questo è il fondamento autentico di ogni progetto di pace, che prima ancora di essere un progetto politico possiede il carattere di un autentico progetto antropologico. Tale relazionalità chiede, pertanto, di essere garantita. Garante della relazionalità è proprio il diritto, quale forma di esperienza umana costitutivamente relazionale. Lo Stato dovrà operare per garantire la relazionalità multietnica, attraverso l’assunzione di un atteggiamento di imparzialità, distinguendo i valori elaborati dalle culture, e le pratiche sociali ad essi corrispondenti, in almeno tre categorie: quella dei valori che appaiono semplicemente tollerabili, quella dei valori che meritino di essere ritenuti rispettabili e quella, infine, dei valori che per la loro forza intrinseca debbano essere qualificati come condivisibili L’aspetto più arduo concerne l’integrazione, i suoi limiti e quindi la tolleranza verso le culture. Occorre, infatti, fissare i confini della tolleranza che dovrà essere sempre condizionata, argomentata, dinamica, credibile e dovrà, infine, possedere un carattere dialogico. ---------- The article proposes the ancient theme of the cohabitation between peoples, very actual nowadays, for the fact that we have to face new forms of conflict, not manageable with old conceptual parameters, that impose to reflect on how a multicultural society is possible. The roads for an intercultural and interreligious cohabitation are only three: the way of assimilation, the way of the marginalization and the way of the integration: first two have been abundantly experimented in different political- national contexts and they have shown for time all their limits, the third way is that which, very laboriously, many countries of the world of today are trying to test and it requires a meaningful intellectual engagement and good (politics and moral) will. An essential point that qualifies the model of the integration is the primacy of the person according to two lines: the person’s primacy on the State of which it is citizen and the person’s supremacy on community of which it is a member. The person is understood in his being subject in relationship, since it manifests the whole own potentialities giving itself to the other and not closing in itself. This is the authentic base of every project of peace, that possesses the character of an authentic anthropological project even before being a political project. Such relational nature, therefore, must be guaranteed. Guarantor of the relational nature is really the law, as form of human experience constitutively relational. The State must operate to guarantee the multiethnic relational nature, through the assumption of an attitude of impartiality, distinguishing the values elaborated from cultures and the social practices corresponding to them, in at least three categories: that of the values that appear simply tolerable, that of the values which deserves to be thought respectable and, finally, that of the values which must be qualified as shareable for their intrinsic strength. The most arduous aspect pertains to the integration, its limits and therefore tolerance toward cultures. Needs, in fact, fixing the confinements of tolerance that must be always conditioned, deduced, dynamics, believable and, finally, it must possess a dialogical character.


Econometrica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 1337-1343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Bowles

Treating civic preferences as endogenous and government policies and tax capacities as both an influence on and a consequence of their evolution is an important new strand of thinking to which Besley has contributed. I ask: Does his model provide a convincing explanation of the way that civic cultures and the expansion of the state evolved as a matter of historical fact? And I suggest a number of alternative modeling approaches that both would recognize that policy makers take account of the effects of their policy choices on preferences and, consistent with empirical observations, would support equilibria with culturally heterogeneous rather than homogeneous populations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-116
Author(s):  
Zuzana Bánovčanová ◽  
Zuzana Danišková ◽  
Markéta Filagová

Abstract This article focuses on children who cannot speak the language of the majority when they enter the school system. It recommends that the term child speakers of other languages should be adopted in Slovakia. Various approaches and types of support used in other European countries (Germany, Denmark, Czechia) are presented. These could be adopted nationally to integrate these children in school. The legal situation and current situation in preschools and primary school is also explored. The article outlines potential forms of support for preschool children and their families that require little in the way of additional funding and human resources.


2020 ◽  
pp. 52-60
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir

This chapter investigates what makes nations so powerful and special. It presents two reasons that come to mind: one obvious the other unexpected. The obvious one is institutional and relates to the alliance between the nation and the state. The unexpected, more surprising, reason concerns the fact that the very same features that make nations attractive allies of the modern state — namely, being natural, historical, and continuous entities — are mostly fabricated. The chapter also explores the way nationalism shaped the modern state and provided it with tools necessary to turn from an administrative service into a caring entity that takes on itself not merely the role of a neutral coordinator but also that of a compassionate and attentive mother(land). Ultimately, the chapter examines the social and political outcomes of the lean state and ponders whether some of the advantages of the nation-state could be recovered.


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