II. The Uniqueness of the Social Reform Movement

2021 ◽  
pp. 025764302110017
Author(s):  
Shaik Mahaboob Basha

The question of widow remarriage, which occupied an important place in the social reform movement, was hotly debated in colonial Andhra. Women joined the debate in the early twentieth century. There was a conservative section of women, which bitterly opposed the widow remarriage movement and attacked the social reformers, both women and men. Pulugruta Lakshmi Narasamamba led this group of women. Lakshmi Narasamamba treated widow remarriage (punarvivaham) with contempt and termed it as an affront to the fidelity (pativratyam) of Hindu women. According to her, widow remarriage was equal to ‘prostitution’, and the widows who married again could not be granted the status of kulanganas (respectable or chaste women). Lakshmi Narasamamba’s stand on the question of widow remarriage led to the emergence of a fiery and protracted controversy among women which eventually led to the division of the most famous women’s organization, the Shri Vidyarthini Samajamu. She opposed not only widow remarriage but also post-puberty marriage and campaigned in favour of child marriage. This article describes the whole debate on the widow remarriage question that took place among women. It is based on the primary sources, especially the woefully neglected women’s journals in the Telugu language.


1962 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Heimsath

The Indian social reform movement in the nineteenth century, like the political reform movement, remained unorganized on an all-India basis until the 1880's. Local groups functioned throughout the country in many cases along similar lines, but without regular and specific knowledge of each other. Virtually the only effort for social reform well publicized throughout the country had been Vidyasagar's Widow Remarriage movement, which however was never nationally organized and which found local support only when a reformer felt inclined to press for it; the founder himself lost interest in the cause long before his death in 1891. Unlike the political reformers, the social reformers gave no evidence, so far as the present writer knows, of concern about the absence of a national organization to direct and stimulate their activities. If it had any strength, such an organization would, in fact, embarrass them into a unity of principles and methods for which, before 1880, they were quite unprepared.


Al-Qalam ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Athoillah Islamy

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The biggest spiritual orientation for every Muslim in performing Hajj is getting predicate Hajj Mabrur. So whether the predicate is just a spiritual title? This research will describe Nurcholish Madjid's Sufistic social fiqh thoughts about the meaning of the predicate hajj Mabrur. This type of research is a qualitative research in the form of library research. The main data source used was a book by Nurcholish Madjid entitled Hajj and Umrah. Meanwhile, secondary sources are used, namely various studies that are relevant to the focus of this research study. The method used in this study is the method of interpreting the thought of figures. There are two big conclusions of this research. First, the integrative paradigm of nurcholish Madjid, namely the paradigm of integration between fiqh, social and Sufism. This integrative paradigm according to Nurcholish Madjid can make fiqh as a medium for the social reform movement. Second, the predicate Hajj Mabrur in the perspective of Nurcholish Madjid is not a predicate based on success in fulfilling the formal legal of the Hajj fiqh, but rather a predicate that has spiritual and social implications in social life.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Hajj mabrur, fiqh, social, sufism</p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Orientasi spritual terbesar bagi setiap muslim dalam menunaikan ibadah haji yakni mendapatkan predikat haji mabrur. Lantas apakah predikat tersebut hanya sekedar predikat spritual? Penelitian ini akan mendiskripsikan pemikiran fikih sosial sufistik Nurcholish Madjid tentang makna predikat haji mabrur. Jenis penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang berupa kajian pustaka (<em>library research</em>). Sumber data utama yang digunakan, yakni buku karya Nurcholish Madjid yang berjudul Haji dan Umrah. Sementara itu, sumber sekunder yang digunakan, yakni berbagai penelitian yang relevan dengan fokus kajian penelitian ini. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yakni metode interpretasi pemikiran tokoh. Terdapat dua kesimpulan besar penelitian ini. Pertama, paradigma fikih integratif nurcholish Madjid, yakni paradigma integrasi antara fikih, sosial dan tasawuf. Paradigma integratif ini lah yang menurut Nurcholish Madjid dapat menjadikan fikih sebagai medium gerakan reformasi sosial. Kedua, predikat haji mabrur dalam perspektif Nurcholish Madjid bukanlah sebuah predikat yang berdasarkan pada keberhasilan dalam memenuhi legal formal fikih ibadah haji, melainkan sebuah predikat yang memiliki implikasi spritual (tasawuf) dan sosial dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat. </p><p><strong>Kata Kunci</strong> : Haji mabrur, fikih, sosial, tasawuf  </p>


Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
M. Curtis Hoffman

At the start of the 20th century, social reform competed with structural reform for the hearts and minds of urban reformers. Public administration scholarship has long recognized P A's roots in the structural reform tradition. In contrast, P A's rela­tionship to the social reform tradition has remained obscure. This exploration in the history of ideas shows that social reform rejected many principles upon which public adminis­tration now rests, and advanced many alternative concepts in their stead.


Author(s):  
G. M. Ditchfield

Explanations of the abolition of the slave trade have been the subject of intense historical debate. Earlier accounts tended to play up the role of individual, heroic abolitionists and their religious, particularly evangelical, motivation. Eric Williams argued that the decline in profitability of the ‘Triangular trade’ was important in persuading people that the slave trade hindered, rather than helped, economic progress. More recent work has rehabilitated the role of some abolitionists but has set this alongside the importance of campaigning and petitioning in shifting public opinion. The role that the slaves themselves played in bringing attention to their plight is also now recognized. Consequently, the importance of abolitionism for a sense of Dissenting self-identity and as part of broader attempts to influence social reform needs to be reconsidered.


Author(s):  
Augusta Rohrbach

This chapter looks to the future of teaching realism with Web 2.0 technologies. After discussing the ways in which technologies of data modeling can reveal patterns for interpretation, the chapter examines how these technologies can update the social-reform agenda of realism as exemplified by William Dean Howells’s attempted intervention into the Haymarket Riot in 1886. The advent of Web 2.0 techologies offers students a way to harness the genre’s sense of social purpose to knowledge-sharing mechanisms to create a vehicle for political consciousness-raising in real time. The result is “Realism 2.0,” a realism that enables readers to engage in their world, which is less text-centric than it was for previous writers.


Author(s):  
Janire MIMENTZA MARTIN

LABURPENA: Gaur egun, enplegu prekarioek ez dute gutxieneko bizitza ziurtatzen, eta etorkizunerako «lana amaitzea» aurreikusten da. Gainera, ongizate sistemen akatsen eta mugen aurrean, beharrezkoa da gizarte-babeserako sistema berraztertzea: oinarrizko errenta unibertsala aukera popularrena dela dirudi. Oinarrizko errenta gizarte-erreformaren ideiarekin bat etortzen den arren, ikerketa honen pertzepzioak aurrerapen txikien politika gidatu behar dela ezartzea du, azken batean, Gizarte Segurantzako sistema bateratze partzial bat lortuz, eta ez bera desegitea. Gaur egun, ezaugarri hauei dagozkien adibideak daude, gizarteko talde zehatzetarako (esate baterako, alemaniar adingabekoei) oinarrizko errenta bat ematen zaie. Zalantzarik gabe, adibide hau aurrerapauso handi bat da, pentsioetan belaunaldien banaketaren sistema eredua jarraitzen duten ordenamendu guztien eredu —beraien artean espainola— izan daitekeelako. ABSTRACT: At present, the precarious jobs do not assure the subsistence level, and the future forecasts «the end of work». In addition, because of the defects and limits of the welfare systems, a rethinking of the social protection system is necessary: universal basic income seems to be the most popular option. Although the basic income is usually based on the idea of social reform, the perception of this study is that its implementation should be guided by a policy of small advances, which ultimately make possible a partial reform of the Social Security system, not its dismantling. There are currently examples with these characteristics, for specific groups (e.g. minors in Germany) to which a basic income is being granted. Without a doubt, it is a big step in that direction, which can serve as a model to be followed by all legal systems —among them Spanish one— that follow a system of generational distribution (pay-as-you-go system) in pensions. RESUMEN: En la actualidad, los empleos precarios no aseguran el mínimo vital, y para el futuro se pronostica el «fin del trabajo». Además, ante los defectos y límites de los sistemas asistenciales es necesario un replanteamiento del sistema de protección social: la renta básica universal parece ser la opción más popular. Aunque normalmente la RB se basa en la idea de una reforma social, la percepción de este estudio es que su implementación debe ir dirigida por una política de pequeños avances, que al final posibiliten una reforma parcial del sistema de Seguridad Social, no su desmantelamiento. Existen en la actualidad ejemplos con estas características, para colectivos específicos (ej. menores en Alemania) a los que —en la práctica— se les está otorgando una RB. Sin duda, es un gran paso en esa dirección, que puede servir como modelo a seguir por los ordenamientos jurídicos —entre ellos el español— que siguen un sistema de reparto generacional en pensiones.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (121) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Bertel Nygaard

The Danish Social Democratic propaganda movie The Dream of Tomorrow was produced for the first post-war parliamentary election in Denmark in October 1945 to illustrate the project of social happiness as inscribed in the new electoral program of the party, Denmark of the Future. The vision of a future welfare state in the program was informed by new conceptions of the feasibility of relatively far-reaching social reform within capitalism, but also by concerns about the post-war strengthening of the Communist Party as a rival to the traditional hegemony of Danish Social Democracy, promp­ting the Social Democratic leadership to emphasize the radical nature of the change envisioned by the program. In the movie this specific political conjuncture of programmatic renewal and tactically determined rhetorical radicalism was translated into a synthesis of a political orientation towards immediate change and a utopian narrative of imaginary social happiness, seeking to appeal especially to young workers radicalized by the experience of occupation and resistance during the war. The overall result, however, was an uneasy balance between a political reform program and a utopian vison tied to the main ideological coordinates of the present, projected onto a future in which history seemed to have ended.


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