Peasant Cooperation in Land- Reform Programs: Some Latin American Experiences

Keyword(s):  
2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 211-213
Author(s):  
Wil G. Pansters

The presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–1940), one of the leading figures of Latin American populism of the first half of the twentieth century, has long been surrounded by myth and politicized interpretations. To a certain extent this is understandable: under Cárdenas's leadership major and spectacular reforms were carried out that had their roots in claims originally formulated during and in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1917). Moreover, these reforms have had a lasting impact on Mexico's political and socioeconomic development. In state-sanctioned historia oficial the figure of “grandfather” Cárdenas long reached mythical proportions: he carried out huge projects of land reform and thus finally responded to the demands of poor peasants and Indians, stood up against international capital by nationalizing the oil industry, rebuffed the conservative factions of the national bourgeoisie and laid the foundations for the corporatist state and party, that was to rule Mexico for the remaining part of the century, and thus gave institutional voice to the country's working classes. This image has also been influential in scholarly writings, particularly in those that studied cardenismo as a national phenomenon. Recent years, however, have seen important changes. Nationalist populism is drastically reevaluated in the dominant discourse of neoliberal modernity, and scholars have started to break down the phenomenon, thereby trying to overcome politicized interpretations.


Author(s):  
John Crabtree

Evo Morales Ayma was elected president of Bolivia in December 2005, taking office in January 2006. He has since been reelected on two separate occasions, in 2009 and 2014. Like Lula in Brazil, Morales is one of the few Latin American leaders to emerge from truly humble origins, a trait that helps explain his lasting popularity with a largely poor and indigenous voting public. The evolution of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS), Morales’s party, had its roots in the struggles to resist the United States–inspired “war on drugs” in the late 1990s, yet it managed to broaden the scope of its appeal to involve a range of social movements, both rural and urban, using the defense of natural resources as a leitmotiv to bring together disparate groupings. In government, Morales sought to engineer an abrupt change from neoliberal policies pursued by elite-led civilian administrations since the 1980s, reasserting the role of the state in development, bringing the all-important hydrocarbons industry back into public control, speeding up land reform, introducing a constitution that reasserted indigenous rights, and enacting policies designed to redistribute income and combat poverty. A polemical figure, Morales has attracted adulation from supporters and bitter criticism from opponents. Scholarship has reflected this polarization. Conservative critics, at one end of the spectrum, have tended to stress the authoritarian features of his government and its disdain for democratic niceties; Marxists at the other end tend to see it as an exercise in pale reformism that has left the power structure in Bolivia largely intact. In between, of course, there are a variety of intermediary positions that draw out both the achievements and limitations that this article seeks to assess.


Guatemala’s armed conflict was one of the longest and bloodiest in modern Latin American history. It spanned decades of organizing by peasant, indigenous, student, religious, and workers’ organizations, along with several armed revolutionary groups—motivated by anti-imperialism, land reform, equality, and social democracy—that were all violently opposed by a fascistic military dictatorship backed by national elites and the US government. Its nadir was a brutal scorched-earth campaign in 1981–1983, during which the army killed tens of thousands, displaced over a million, and committed hundreds of massacres in order to divide guerrilla organizations from their civilian base in the indigenous western highlands....


1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Hildebrand

President Kennedy, in his inaugural address, spoke of an “Alliance for Progress” with Latin America and more recently of an expanded Latin-American aid program. His phrase “Alliance for Progress” underscores the fact that the U. S. chooses not to be identified with blind defenders of the status quo but to support evolutionary change calling for political, social, and economic reform.What motivates U. S. citizens to tax themselves to help the underdeveloped countries help themselves? One observes an interesting mixture of goals with respect to U. S. aid programs. There is no single enforced purpose handed down from higher authority. Each citizen indicates and advances his own preferences with some sort of compromise or majority view prevailing when necessary. One peculiarity of a democratic society is the pluralism of motivations and purposes.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Hojman

In recent years there has been significant improvement in terms of the quantity and quality of empirical studies on Latin American urban labour markets.1 The relative degree of ignorance concerning the market for domestic service is therefore particularly notorious. Some important gaps in the current state of our knowledge are the determinants of long-term trends and of short and medium-term fluctuations in this market, the relationship between domestic service and female rural–urban migration, and that between domestic service and the aggregate labour market.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solon Barraclough
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1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul Branco

The great concern with the economic and social development in Latin America has made the issue of land reform a very fashionable subject of discussion. The importance of land reform has been officially acknowledged in South America as well as in North America by the signing of the Charter of Punta del Este, which established as one of the objectives of the Alliance for Progress the ; change in land tenure patterns wherever necessary in Latin America. The widespread acknowledgment of the importance of land reform has not led, though, to general agreement on the consequences of land reform for the process of economic development in Latin America. It would thus seem appropriate to re-examine the effects of large landholdings on economic development.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Gilbert

In the early morning hours of July 27, 1974, the military government of Peru employed riot police to seize control of the country's principal daily newspapers. The government announced that the newspapers were being transferred to independent organizations representative of broad sectors of Peruvian society. Peru's “Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces,” which came to power in 1968, had already surprised students of the Latin American military with a series of radical measures which included an extensive land reform, the expropriation of a number of foreign companies, reorganization of the financial sector, and the creation of a system of worker control for industry. Now President Juan Velasco Alvarado presented the press takeover as an integral part of a fundamental reordering of the existing society along progressive nationalist lines.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-30
Author(s):  
C.R. Yadu

This article discusses the important features of the post land reforms agrarian relations in Kerala. The first aspect of contemporary land relations in Kerala is the increasing concentration of land in the hands of the rich. It is also seen that there is a marked decline in the proportion of households who directly depend on agriculture for livelihood. The second aspect of Kerala’s post land reforms agrarian relations is concerned with the land concentration and land grabbing in the plantation sector. Kerala’s big plantations quietly and frequently engage in land grabbing which is similar to the land grabbing happening in Latin American and African continents. The third aspect covered in this article is all about the changing class–caste nexus in Kerala’s occupational structure. Caste is no longer a major determining factor of occupations as was the case in the pre-land reform era. Land reforms could significantly break the traditional caste–class nexus.


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