Heimat im Offenen?

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-97
Author(s):  
Christian Bauer

Abstract This Habilitation lecture discusses the present rise of right-wing populism as a theological problem. It uses the term „Heimat“ („home“ or „home country“) to explore the social context of this populism. This exploration leads to a discussion of the underlying cultural meta-narratives which serve a sense of shared identity. In a practical theological perspective, the discourse on „Heimat“ may be understood in terms of narrative encounters. Finding a home in an open world is possible – and the Christian faith offers bountiful theological resources for this.

Author(s):  
Janet O'Shea

This section contends with a central irony: Americans are among the most competitive people in the world, and yet we are among the least likely to play competitive sports in adulthood. This exercise gap is usually treated as a public health problem; the goal of this section is to treat it as a social and cultural concern. The conclusion therefore investigates the social and political implications of an American tendency to outsource physical play to experts: higher levels of fear, increased preoccupation with success at all costs, decreased creativity, and increasing rigidity of perspective and position. Specifically, the conclusion maintains that a neglect of fair play has dire consequences for democracy, a suggestion born out by the recent swing toward right-wing populism in politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 382-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet

AbstractContemporary discussions of populism elide important distinctions between the ways in which populist leaders and movements respond to the failures of elites to follow through on the promises associated with international social welfare constitutionalism. After laying out the political economy of populisms’ origins, this Article describes the relation between populisms and varieties of liberalism, and specifically the relation between populisms and judicial independence understood as a “veto point” occupied by the elites that populists challenge. It then distinguishes left-wing populisms’ acceptance of the social welfare commitments of late twentieth century liberalism and its rejection of some settled constitutional arrangements that, in populists’ views, obstruct the accomplishment of those commitments. It concludes with a description of the core ethnonationalism of right-wing populism, which sometimes contingently appears in left-wing populisms but is not one the latter’s core components.


Significance Trudeau’s government has been held up as a bulwark of liberalism given the surge of anti-immigration populist candidates and parties in Europe and the United States. However, two leadership candidates in the Conservative race have sought to ape the political style and policy agenda that brought Donald Trump to power in the United States. Mainstream Canadian political actors are seeking to either counter or benefit electorally from rising distrust in government, fears over immigration and integration, and communitarian focus on Islam within right-wing politics. Impacts Opposition to the Trump presidency may help unify fractious left-leaning Canadian voters behind the Liberals. However, the social-democratic New Democratic Party will cite Trudeau-Trump cooperation to peel off progressive voters. Alienation of anti-immigration Conservatives will increase under libertarian or pro-business leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-216
Author(s):  
M. V. Nozhenko

The review examines a new collective monograph edited by L.S. Okuneva and A.I. Tevdoi-Burmuli: ‘Right-wing populism: Global trend and regional features’, published in 2020. The reviewer notes that a growing interest in both Russian and foreign academic community towards the phenomenon of populism has been witnessed in recent years. However, scholars still haven’t reached a consensus on the nature and content of this phenomenon, its role in the political systems of individual countries and regions, as well as on prospects for its further development. In this regard the book under review which provides a broad geographical and thematic perspective coverage is of particular relevance. At the same time, the reviewer notes that this very breadth provokes critical comments. For instance, the reviewer points to certain imbalances in the structure of the book, as well as some inconsistencies in the authors’ narratives. The latter may be related to the fact that the authors have widely differing approaches to the nature of populism. As a result, the book under review should be considered as a collection of essays united by a common theme rather than a collective monograph based on a common theoretical and methodological framework. However, this in no way downplays academic contribution of each individual author and the relevance of the book as a whole. The reviewer examines each chapter, briefly presenting the author’s position and the key findings, and concludes that the book in general contributes significantly to the academic study of the right-wing populism and raises new research questions. With regard to the latter, the book highlights both the ambiguity of populism, its immanent connection with modern trends in the development of political systems, and the social and psychological factors that contribute to the growing popularity of populist ideas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (8-9) ◽  
pp. 679-699
Author(s):  
Heinz Stapf-Finé

Zusammenfassung Vor dem Hintergrund einer zunehmenden Politikverdrossenheit und des aufkommenden Rechtspopulismus werden mögliche Ursachen der Entstehung antidemokratischer Haltungen überprüft. Vorgestellt werden quantitative Befunde einer empirischen Überprüfung im Rahmen eines Forschungsprojekts im Berliner Bezirk Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Hinsichtlich soziodemografischer Daten entsprechen die Befunde den Erwartungen: Menschen, die der Demokratie distanziert gegenüberstehen, haben häufiger Erfahrungen mit Arbeitslosigkeit im Vergleich mit Zufriedenen. Gleichgültigkeit und Distanz gegenüber der Demokratie ist eher bei Menschen mit niedrigen Bildungsabschlüssen zu finden. Bei Gutverdienern und der Mittelschicht überwiegen eindeutig positive Grundhaltungen gegenüber der Demokratie, bei Geringverdienern halten sich positive und negative Haltungen nur noch die Waage. Insofern muss die soziale Frage in der politischen Debatte wieder auf die Tagesordnung. Überraschend sind die Befunde hinsichtlich autoritärer Haltungen und menschenfeindlicher Einstellungen: es sind nicht die Demokratie-Distanzierten, sondern eher die Unpolitischen, welche solche Haltungen an den Tag legen. Daraus ergeben sich wichtige (sozial-)politische Befunde für die Praxis und die politische Bildung. Abstract: Causes for the Development of Antidemocratic Attitudes. Selected Quantitative Findings On the background of increasing disenchantment in politics and increasing right wing populism possible causes for antidemocratic attitudes are examined. In the paper quantitative findings of an empirical research project in the Berlin district of Marzahn-Hellersdorf are presented regarding the causes of such attitudes. Concerning socio-demographical factors the results correspond with the expectations. People that are distant towards democracy have more experiences with unemployment as compared with people that are satisfied with democracy. Indifference or distance towards democracy can more often be found among people with a lower educational level. Among higher earners and middle-class people positive attitudes towards democracy prevail. Poor earners are split in positive and negative attitudes towards democracy. These findings underline the neeed that the social question must get more importance in political discussions. Surprising were the findings concerning authoritarian and inhumane (racist) attitudes: it is less the democracy distant and to a much bigger extent the unpolitical people that are prone to such attitudes. This implies important findings for practical (social) politics and for civic education.


Enthusiasm ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 201-220
Author(s):  
Monique Scheer

The concluding chapter makes that case that the concept of “enthusiasm” presented in this study might be useful as an analytical term, to be applied in further study beyond the confines of the religious context. Conviction about something always enlists the body and emotions for its maintenance and reinvigoration, which is to say that it is always also enthusiastic—but this enthusiasm takes on different styles due to a combination of ideology (what emotions are and how they work) and taste or preference, which is linked to social context. Observing that a reactivated reticence toward political emotion in Germany in response to the rise in right-wing populism reprises many of the patterns from debates over religious enthusiasm from previous centuries, the chapter reflects on the relations between a number of terms which, in binary constellations, find themselves on the other side of “rationality,” which has led us to think of them as naturally grouped together: emotion, belief, religion, and—recalling Weber—charisma, enchantment, presence. The chapter suggests that enthusiasm is one of these terms, one that captures how conviction enchants people.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-58
Author(s):  
Wolf Linder ◽  
Sean Mueller

AbstractThis chapter explains how, despite the absence of single ethnic culture, Swiss state- and nation-building was possible. Neither the Swiss nation, nor the Swiss society existed when modern Switzerland was founded in 1848, after a brief civil war. The chapter provides a reading of Swiss history since then as one of gradually achieving the participation of the most important minority groups and the different social classes through proportional representation. Beginning with the losers of the civil war, the Catholic-Conservatives, followed by Protestant farmers and the petite bourgeoise, and ending with the Social-Democrats, the Swiss thus invented the ‘magic formula’ in 1959 for proportionally sharing the seven seats in the federal government. Even the rise of right-wing populism since the 1990s has not changed this basic feature.


Author(s):  
Youssef A. Haddad

This chapter examines the social functions of hear-oriented attitude datives in Levantine Arabic. These are often used to grab the hearer’s attention, especially in such activities as storytelling. In addition, the datives may also be employed by a speaker to anchor the main message of her utterance, along with her evaluation of it, to her hearers and to mark their engagement in an attempt to recruit their empathy, solicit their assent, and/or invoke a shared identity, experience, knowledge, and membership. The chapter analyzes specific instances of hearer-oriented attitude datives as used in different types of social acts (e.g., promises) and in different types of activities (e.g., gossip).


2020 ◽  
pp. 016344372095756
Author(s):  
Carlo Berti

The contemporary outbreak of right-wing populism in combination with increasing migratory flows toward Europe raises concerns about the social construction of migrations and migrants and the policy orientations toward them. Research indicated worrying tendencies to perceive migrations negatively and criminalize migrants. However, this paper focuses on a different tactic adopted by a number of populist forces: the criminalization of sea-rescue NGOs. In particular, it presents the case-study of Sea-Watch 3, an NGO sea-rescue vessel which docked in Italy with several migrants on board in June 2019, after a long struggle with Minister of Internal Affairs Matteo Salvini, the leader of the League (a right-wing, anti-migrants populist party). By means of content analysis, the paper discusses Salvini’s Facebook communication strategy about the event. The aim of this study is to cast new light on how the criminalization of NGOs can be exploited to reinforce other aspects of right-wing populism, such as anti-elitism, nationalism, exclusionary politics, personalization, and polarization. In this respect, the implications of criminalizing sea-rescue NGOs for policy orientations and policymaking are also highlighted.


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