The Trans-Pacific Partnership and Japan’s Agricultural Trade

Author(s):  
Andrew Schmitz ◽  
Manhong Zhu ◽  
David Zilberman

AbstractThe Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) was concluded on October 5, 2015, by twelve countries that include the United States, Japan, Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam. Under the TPPA, Japan will partially liberalize its five politically sensitive agricultural subsectors: (1) rice, (2) beef and pork, (3) wheat and barley, (4) sugar, and (5) dairy, none of which contain any genetically modified (GM) content. Under full liberalization, Japanese producers in these subsectors will lose (e. g., rice producers will lose over $6 billion and beef producers will lose over $2 billion). Excluding butter, the trade impact of the TPPA on the Japanese government will be negative because of tariff and resale-revenue losses. Our empirical results provide the full effects of complete trade liberalization. However, because the TPPA negotiations of 2015 resulted in only partial trade liberalization, our results can be easily modified to deal with the degree to which trade distortions are removed for each of the above agricultural subsectors. In terms of producers who lose from trade liberalization, the Japanese government will provide compensation.

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alasdair R. Young

Although there is a popular perception that trade liberalization undermines domestic regulation, under certain circumstances international trade can provide a catalyst for making domestic regulations more stringent. This article makes a case extending the applicability of the so-called trading-up thesis by finding evidence of change within the United States in response to the transatlantic trade dispute over genetically modified food. In particular, it argues that political transfer—the transfer of political concern from one jurisdiction to political mobilization in another—can prompt policy change even in the absence of the adoption of foreign standards by domestic firms.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary E. Burfisher ◽  
Robert M. House ◽  
Suchada V. Langley

In June 1991, the United States and Mexico agreed to work toward the formation of a free trade area (FTA), in which trade barriers between the two countries will be gradually reduced and eUrninated. An FTA is expected to deepen a trade relationship that has always been important to the two countries, and which has been expanded by the unilateral trade liberalization initiated by Mexico in 1983. A U.S. Mexico FTA will be an important development for U.S. agriculture. In 1990, Mexico ranked among the top four markets for U.S. agricultural exports nd imports. Mexico's share of U.S. agricultural trade has increased since the mid-1980s, and could expand further if trade barriers are removed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Johansson ◽  
Joseph Cooper ◽  
Utpal Vasavada

This paper examines the elimination of all agricultural policy distortions in all trading countries and agricultural production decisions in the United States, as well as subsequent environmental quality in the presence and absence of nondegradation environmental standards. The results suggest that trade liberalization has the potential to increase domestic production and boost agricultural returns by as much as 8.5 percent. Consumer surplus would likely fall, and the discharge of nutrients, sediment, and pesticides would likely increase. However, environmental policies can limit these adverse environmental impacts and mute the potential decrease in consumer surplus, while leaving increased returns to agricultural production.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Lynn Kennedy ◽  
Cemal Atici

AbstractComplete agricultural trade liberalization between the United States and the European Union is examined with respect to the agricultural sector. A static, partial equilibrium model, distinguishing among the European Union, the United States, and a politically passive rest of the world, is used to simulate agricultural free trade. The results of this research reveal how European Union and United States adoption of free trade affects domestic and world prices, production, consumption, self-sufficiency, and welfare.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
DUKGEUN AHN ◽  
AREVIK GNUTZMANN-MKRTCHYAN

AbstractThis paper examines two disputes brought by the United States and New Zealand in response to a series of import sanctions for agricultural products imposed by the Indonesian government to promote food self-sufficiency. We document the heterogeneous effect the sanctioning measures had on Indonesia's partners. We argue that Indonesia's import licensing regimes acted as a high, sometimes prohibitive, fixed cost of exporting. Frequent changes of regulation provided additional challenges and increased the costs of exporting. These properties determined the differential impacts of Indonesia's measures where some sustained significant market losses while other large exporters, in particular Australia, following a short decline strengthened their market position and export levels.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amaia Del Campo ◽  
Marisalva Fávero

Abstract. During the last decades, several studies have been conducted on the effectiveness of sexual abuse prevention programs implemented in different countries. In this article, we present a review of 70 studies (1981–2017) evaluating prevention programs, conducted mostly in the United States and Canada, although with a considerable presence also in other countries, such as New Zealand and the United Kingdom. The results of these studies, in general, are very promising and encourage us to continue this type of intervention, almost unanimously confirming its effectiveness. Prevention programs encourage children and adolescents to report the abuse experienced and they may help to reduce the trauma of sexual abuse if there are victims among the participants. We also found that some evaluations have not considered the possible negative effects of this type of programs in the event that they are applied inappropriately. Finally, we present some methodological considerations as critical analysis to this type of evaluations.


Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document