scholarly journals EU Refugee Crisis Impact on the European Labor Market

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-238
Author(s):  
Cezar Braicu

Abstract The advent and increasing wave of refugees arrived through various channels in Europe last year produce anxiety both in the EU leadership and in the management and organization of European states. Assessing the impact on the local labor market, on the human resources available and on the cost of insertion on the labor market in the EU it is difficult to quantify at present as long as it is not known what will be the final number of these refugees, the level of training them, and not the least the desire for integration into the European system of life and work. Prospects for reducing the number of active population in the EU in the coming years and increasing the lifetime rate require management organizations to carry out careful studies and to analyze and find solutions to integrate the active refugees in the domestic workforce, to assess the increased level training costs and integration in the local organizational culture and, not the least, the impact on the effectiveness of performed activities.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-395
Author(s):  
Richard Cebula ◽  
James E. Payne ◽  
Donnie Horner ◽  
Robert Boylan

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of labor market freedom on state-level cost of living differentials in the USA using cross-sectional data for 2016 after allowing for the impacts of economic and quality of life factors. Design/methodology/approach The study uses two-stage least squares estimation controlling for factors contributing to cost of living differences across states. Findings The results reveal that an increase in labor market freedom reduces the overall cost of living. Research limitations/implications The study can be extended using panel data and alternative measures of labor market freedom. Practical implications In general, the finding that less intrusive government and greater labor freedom are associated with a reduced cost of living should not be surprising. This is because less government intrusion and greater labor freedom both inherently allow markets to be more efficient in the rationalization of and interplay with forces of supply and demand. Social implications The findings of this and future related studies could prove very useful to policy makers and entrepreneurs, as well as small business owners and public corporations of all sizes – particularly those considering either location in, relocation to, or expansion into other markets within the USA. Furthermore, the potential benefits of the National Right-to-Work Law currently under consideration in Congress could add cost of living reductions to the debate. Originality/value The authors extend the literature on cost of living differentials by investigating whether higher amounts of state-level labor market freedom act to reduce the states’ cost of living using the most recent annual data available (2016). That labor freedom has a systemic efficiency impact on the state-level cost of living is a significant finding. In our opinion, it is likely that labor market freedom is increasing the efficiency of labor market transactions in the production and distribution of goods and services, and acts to reduce the cost of living in states. In addition, unlike previous related studies, the authors investigate the impact of not only overall labor market freedom on the state-level cost of living, but also how the three sub-indices of labor market freedom, as identified and measured by Stansel et al. (2014, 2015), impact the cost of living state by state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Alena Dorakh

Despite recent concerns about the increasing influence of outside investors on the European Union (EU) and Western Balkans, the developed European countries are still a dominant source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the region, confirming the benefits of EU membership. At the same time, fast-growing connectivity and lower trade costs in accession and neighboring countries determine the FDI growth from China, particularly via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). By applying panel data over 2000-2019 for 34 countries, which form 89% of all European FDI, we first examine FDI patterns around Europe, compare the EU, NMS, and Western Balkans; verify the importance of EU membership for FDI, caused reducing trade costs and improving connectivity. Thus, the new EU member states (NMS) and Western Balkans appear both as a home country and as a pre- entry destination to the EU. Then, we calculate trade costs indices for each selected country and partners over time and find that Europe and China are closely interconnected through trade and FDI. It means that stronger ties with China can be realized for the sample countries at the cost of easing relations with the EU. Finally, incorporating trade costs indices into the FDI model; we evaluate the impact of connectivity on FDI and estimate how BRI affected FDI in Europe. Additionally, we validate that the old framework of horizontal and vertical FDI not representative well and even new complex vertical or export-oriented FDI strategies are shifting today.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anatole Boute

AbstractFollowing the European Union (EU) experience, an increasing number of countries are establishing an Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). The EU ETS often serves as a ‘model’ despite fundamental differences in the receiving environment. In the EU liberalized energy markets, carbon prices are intended to raise the cost of carbon-intensive energy and thereby stimulate cleaner alternatives. In contrast, many emerging economies continue to regulate energy investments and prices, which may insulate consumers and producers from the impact of an ETS. To avoid this risk, energy economists advocate EU-style energy market reforms as a prerequisite to the introduction of the ETS concept abroad. By focusing on the cases of China, Kazakhstan, and Russia, this article highlights the limits on the exportation of the EU liberalization model and argues that, instead of energy reform, the ETS must be reconceptualized as a mechanism that integrates the regulated energy market paradigm in emerging economies.


Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (14) ◽  
pp. 2745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fotiou ◽  
Vita ◽  
Capros

The paper presents a newly developed economic-engineering model of the buildings sector and its implementation for all the European Union (EU) Member States (MS), designed to study in detail ambitious energy efficiency strategies and policies, in the context of deep decarbonisation in the long term. The model has been used to support the impact assessment study that accompanied the European Commission’s communication “A Clear Planet for All”, in November 2018. The model covers all EU countries with a fine resolution of building types, and represents agent decision-making in a complex and dynamic economic-engineering mathematical framework. Emphasis is given to behaviours driving the energy renovation of buildings and the ensuing choice of equipment for heating and cooling. The model represents several market and non-market policies that can influence energy decisions in buildings and promote deep energy renovation. Moreover, the paper presents key applications for supporting policies targeting ambitious reduction of energy consumption and carbon emissions in buildings across Europe. The results illustrate that the achievement of ambitious energy-efficiency targets in the long-term heavily depends on pursuing a fast and extensive renovation of existing buildings, at annual rates between 1.21% and 1.77% for the residential sector and between 0.92% to 1.35% for the services sector. In both cases, the renovation rates are far higher past trends. Strong policies aimed at removing non-market barriers are deemed necessary. Electrification constitutes a reasonable choice for deeply renovated buildings and, as a result, almost 50% of households chooses electric heating over gas heating in the long term. However, heat pumps need to exploit further their learning potential to be economical and implementable for the various climatic conditions in Europe. The results also show that the cost impacts are modest even if renovation and decarbonisation in buildings develop ambitiously in the EU. The reduced energy bills due to energy savings can almost offset the increasing capital expenditures. Fundraising difficulties and the cost of capital are, however, of concern.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 465
Author(s):  
Mihaela Simionescu ◽  
Yuriy Bilan ◽  
Piotr Zawadzki ◽  
Adam Wojciechowski ◽  
Marcin Rabe

The effects of the labor market on environmental issues are an actual problem at the global level, and recommendations are required to achieve equilibrium between labor productivity and environmental protection. Considering the ecological limits of work and the necessity of reducing the working time to mitigate GHG (greenhouse gas) emissions, this paper aims to assess the impact of the labor market on GHG emissions in the EU-28 countries. Using panel data models for 2007–2019, a positive effect of working time for employed persons on GHG emissions was detected. Labor productivity has a positive impact on emissions for most of the developed countries in the EU (old member states), while the effect is negative in the case of most of the new member states, which suggests that more efforts should be made by old member states to correlate labor productivity with a sustainable level of GHG emissions. As a novelty for research in the field, we assessed also the effect of targeted labor utilization on GHG emissions in order to describe the context of a sustainable economy that is an objective for each country in the EU. These results suggest that progress in GHG emissions mitigation might be achieved by reducing the working time for employed persons, which will also improve well-being. These recommendations could be useful also for other developed countries outside the EU that encounter the same difficulties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-88
Author(s):  
George Bucăța

Abstract Employees must adapt to these permanent changes by acquiring new skills required to use new technologies. One of the phenomena developed in order to meet these challanges is labour mobility. For the purpose of economic and social mobility, labour is a form of movement in relation to the ever-changing needs of the productive factors. Mobility in the labor market can be considered from several aspects. At the EU level, the phenomenon of labour mobility is promoted by the desire to meet the challanges arising in the labour market. From a economic and political point of view, the free movement of people is inteded to create a common market for labour and promoting EU citizens, by removing barriers in this area.


2017 ◽  
Vol 242 ◽  
pp. R37-R50
Author(s):  
Stephen Clarke ◽  
Ilona Serwicka ◽  
L. Alan Winters

This paper considers two aspects of this question. First, Brexit has already induced a devaluation of sterling of around 14 per cent since June 2016, which has started to work through to consumer prices: between June 2016 and July 2017 consumer prices increased by around 2.5 per cent. Second, while it is not government policy, nor the desire of the UK public, that the outcome of negotiations is a ‘MFN Brexit’, this remains a distinct possibility. Thus we ask how the imposition of tariffs on imports from the EU will work through into consumer prices. Making very conservative assumptions, we conclude that ‘MFN Brexit’ will increase the average cost of living by around 1 per cent and increase it for 8 per cent of households by 2 per cent or more. We present results for different groups of households according to their employment and structural characteristics and show that the impact will generally be largest on unemployed, single parent and pensioner households.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 205435811987154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Drew Hager ◽  
Thomas William Ferguson ◽  
Paul Komenda

Purpose of review: Kidney Failure is highly prevalent and uses a disproportionate amount of health care funding. In Canada (excluding Quebec), 37 647 people were living with kidney failure in 2016. The single-payer Canadian health care system spends approximately 1.2% of their annual budget on kidney failure. In 2016, 58.4% of patients with kidney failure in Canada (excluding Quebec) were on dialysis as opposed to living with a functioning kidney transplant. Home dialysis modalities including peritoneal dialysis (PD) and home hemodialysis (HD) were used by 18.9% and 4.7% of these patients, respectively. In-center HD and home dialysis (PD and home HD) are often considered equally efficacious and have similar impacts on quality of life. Despite cost minimization analyses suggesting that home dialysis offers cost savings over in-center HD, there has been a slow uptake of home dialysis in developed nations over time, suggesting that controversies and barriers to implementation currently exist. The primary objective of this health policy briefing article is to introduce and address some of the major controversies surrounding the cost effectiveness in supporting advocacy for a “Home Dialysis First” policy with a primary focus on single-payer systems in a developed nation such as Canada. Sources of information: Canadian Agency for Drugs and Technologies in Health (CADTH), Canadian and US epidemiologic databases, national/international conference presentations, primary literature review, and discussion with experts within the field of home dialysis. Methods: We have conducted a focused primary literature review alongside individuals with expertise in the field of home dialysis to discuss the cost controversies surrounding the implementation of a “Home Dialysis First” policy. Key findings: First, the primary literature is limited to mostly observational studies which are highly variable in study design and content. Local economic assessments, however, have provided convincing data for home dialysis cost savings in Canada. Second, the cost of delivering dialysis differs significantly throughout the world, explained by differing costs of labor and supplies in developing nations. Third, the indirect patient costs of water, energy, and home modifications are often barriers to implementation and may be overcome by introducing cost reimbursement programs. Fourth, home dialysis requires upfront training costs. We explore the impact of premature switches from home dialysis to in-center HD or a functioning kidney transplant on overall cost savings. Fifth, we discuss the effect of physician financial incentives and program funding on the uptake of home dialysis. Finally, we introduce the controversial topic of comparing the societal value of freedom of modality choice against the societal cost savings of a “Home Dialysis First” policy. Limitations: Narrative reviews, due to their inherently reduced methodological quality in comparison with systematic reviews, may expose our collected literature to selection bias. We have attempted to compose a diverse collection of available literature alongside consensus expertise to provide a fair and concise review of home dialysis cost controversies. Implications: Implementation of a “Home Dialysis First” policy would be a disruptive change to kidney failure care in Canada. To make informed policy decisions, we should recognize the cost savings associated with home dialysis in developed nations, the significance of patient-borne costs as a barrier to implementation, the impact of training costs and early modality switching in home dialysis, the lack of evidence regarding physician financial incentives, and the importance of program funding. Ultimately, we must consider the societal value of freedom of patient modality choice in comparison with the potential cost savings of a “Home Dialysis First” policy.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoran Lutovac

This paper focuses on migration in the context of European integration which implies, on the one hand, internal integration, integration within the EU and, on the other hand, the enlargement process related to the countries that have applied to join the EU. The aim is to determine in which way the migration, especially refugee crisis in 2015, had influence on the EU, as a supranational political community, and what was the impact on Serbia which is in the process of integration into the European Union. Migrant crisis has shown that the EU has to confront many different issues including several issues of great importance for its survival and strengthening: how to influence on global processes to a greater extent instead of dealing with the consequences of the global politics of others; how to preserve and keep the values that the EU itself is founded and the values on which should be built upon further construction of the political community and, finally, weather the EU can be transformed in the direction of the United European States, in both the functional and in terms of values, or the EU will move towards deepening of Europe of concentric circles. Faced with extremely complex migration situation, Serbia does not have the appropriate institutional and regulatory framework, nor a political response to a series of complex issues in the area of migration and migration-related issues, such as asylum system, irregular migration, sustainable return of our citizens asylum seekers in EU member states, implementation of the agreement on readmission, the departure of highly educated - brain drain, migration and development, the fight against human trafficking (protection of victims, prevention, criminal prosecution of traffickers), and smuggling of migrants, issues of border management, demarcation and boundary determination (as well as the agreement that should be concluded). Some of these problems migrant crisis has made visible by encouraging coping with the need of systemic response to the flaws in the regulatory framework, in the policy concerning asylum seekers, irregular migration through the territory of Serbia, as well as in the sustainable return of our citizens, applicants for asylum in member states. If we put all this in the context of untimely planning, ineffective management of economic trends, the lack of financial support from Brussels to deal with the refugee crisis, but also in the context of the fact that the enlargement policy is aimed at meeting the Copenhagen criteria, but not on economic growth - then the fears of uncontrolled influx of migrants pose potential capital of radical and populist political options. In the relationship with Brussels, Serbia would have to fight for more under-standing regarding the state of the economy and, in general, regarding help with the costs of joining the EU, especially in case of further escalation of the migrant crisis. Serbia's image in the international arena has been changing for better because of the human attitude towards refugees and migrants who were in transit, but for the citizens of Serbia is much more important that the attitude towards them is a part of the essential changes in the society, and not juste an agile response to the crisis - i. e. what metters most is to make appropriate administrative and legal measures, to effectively manage the problems that migrant crisis put in the foreground, but primarily to change the essence of political community and to have this change of image as a result of state and society transformation towards strengthening democratic institutions, the rule of law, media freedom and developed human rights and freedoms.


Author(s):  
N. N. Bolshova

The paper reviews the current EU policy on irregular migration under the influence of refugee crisis. This crisis urged the EU to streamline and consolidate all the available legal, political and administrative tools to reach the synergy effect in the management of immigration flows into the EU. However the main weakness of the EU approach appears to be the dependence on the opportunities and interests of the third countries (of origin and transit of irregular migrants) to cooperate effectively with the EU institutions and Member-states in such key spheres as fight against migrant smuggling, security of external borders, implementation of readmission agreements, asylum policy. The author evaluates the state of progress on the main Mediterranean migration routes since the beginning of the migration crisis in 2014, analyses some recent EU initiatives, particularly the EU NAVFOR MED Operation Sophia and the new Partnership Framework with third countries under the European Agenda on Migration. In conclusion, the author attempts to assess the effects of these actions.


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