scholarly journals Media debates over the renaming of the cityscape

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (s5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Fabiszak ◽  
Rani Rubdy

Abstract This contribution presents two case studies: Poznań in Poland and New Delhi in India, focusing on the media coverage surrounding the re-naming of one street in each location. We apply a uniform method – the Discourse Historical Approach – to analyse newspaper articles, below-the-line comments and Internet forum discussions. As symbolic marking of the territory can be recruited for a political agenda going beyond memory politics, this article not only investigates the public controversy surrounding the (re-)naming of the cityscape, but also addresses the questions of how these debates link inter-discursively with other issues in contemporary politics, such as the independence of the judiciary in Poland and social justice in India.

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 624
Author(s):  
Vanessa Matos Santos ◽  
Victor Pereira Albergaria

Esta pesquisa consiste no estudo de caso entre as coberturas da morte do ator mexicano Roberto Gómez Bolaños, o “Chespirito”, feitas pelo canal FOROtv, pertencente ao conglomerado de mídias mexicano Televisa, e pelo Sistema Brasileiro de Televisão. O aspecto cultural merece especial destaque e, por meio da problematização das distinções existentes entre a morte (substantivo) e o morrer (verbo), o presente estudo demonstra que as coberturas da mídia nestes casos se fazem a partir da relevância da personagem para a identidade do público. Conclui-se, por meio do estudo de caso, que ocorreu o ofuscamento do sujeito (Roberto Bolaños) em detrimento da personagem (Chespirito). A cobertura sobre o morrer de Chespirito serviu, na verdade, para reafirmar sua vida e presença na mídia.     PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Morte; Morrer; Roberto Bolaños; Chespirito; Cobertura de mídia; Televisão.     ABSTRACT This research is the case study of the coverage of the death of Mexican actor Roberto Gómez Bolaños "Chespirito" made by FOROtv, news channel belonging to the Mexican media conglomerate Televisa, and the Sistema Brasileiro de Televisão. The cultural aspect deserves special attention, and through the questioning of existing distinctions between death (noun) and the die (verb), this study shows that media coverage in these cases are made from the importance of the character to the identity of the public. So, through the case study, the conclusion is that ocurred the obscuring of the subject (Roberto Bolaños) at the expense of the character (Chespirito). The coverage of the death of Chespirito served actually to reaffirm his life and presence in the media.   KEYWORDS: Death; Dying; Roberto Bolaños; Chespirito; Media coverage; Television.     RESUMEN Esta investigación es el estudio de caso de la cobertura de la muerte del actor mexicano Chespirito, el "Power Board", realizado por el canal FOROtv perteneciente al conglomerado de medios Televisa de México, y el Sistema Brasileño de Televisión. El aspecto cultural merece una atención especial y, a través de preguntas de las diferencias existentes entre la muerte (sustantivo) y la matriz (verbo), este estudio muestra que la cobertura de los medios de comunicación en estos casos se hace de la importancia del carácter de la identidad el público. En conclusión, a través del estudio de caso, que se oscurece el sujeto (Roberto Bolaños) a expensas de carácter (Chespirito). La cobertura de la muerte de Chespirito sirve en realidad para reafirmar su vida y su presencia en los medios de comunicación.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Muerte; morir; Roberto Bolaños; Chespirito; la cobertura de los medios de comunicación; Televisión.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janani Umamaheswar

The “Black Lives Matter” movement, centered on fighting racial injustice and inequality (particularly in the criminal justice system), has garnered a great deal of media attention in recent years. Given the relatively recent emergence of the movement, there exists very little scholarly research on media portrayals of the movement. In this article, I report findings from a qualitative examination of major newspaper portrayals of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement between April and August 2016, before the particularly divisive 2016 presidential election. Inductive textual analyses of 131 newspaper articles indicate that, although the movement’s goals were represented positively and from the perspective of members of the movement, the newspapers politicized and sensationalized the movement, and they focused far more on supposed negative consequences of the movement. I discuss these findings by drawing on the “protest paradigm” and the “public nuisance paradigm” in media coverage of social protest movements, arguing that the latter is particularly useful for interpreting portrayals of Black Lives Matter in the prevailing US political climate.


MEDIASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-107
Author(s):  
Shania Shaufa ◽  
Thalitha Sacharissa Rosyidiani

This article explains about online media iNews.id in implementing gatekeeping function. This study aims to find out how gatekeeping efforts iNews.id in the production process on the issue of preaching restrictions on worship in mosques during Ramadan in 2020. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the current media situation, especially in the midst of a crisis, encourages the public to become heavily dependent on media coverage. With a qualitative approach, researchers analyzed five levels of influence on the gatekeeping process in online media iNews.id. The results of this study show that factors that influence the way iNews.id in the production process of preaching restrictions on worship in mosques due to the Covid-19 pandemic are the individual level of media workers, the level of media routine, the organizational level, the extramedia level, and the social system level. The conclusions of this study state the most dominant levels is the organization level and the media routine level in the iNews.id.


Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-124
Author(s):  
Dennis Meredith

The news release is the basic unit of your research communications. There are many types of news releases, each with its own use, and they may target different audiences. These include the hard news release, the feature release, the backgrounder, the personal profile, the Q&A, the news tip, the media alert, the grant/gift announcement, and the award announcement. News releases have many uses beyond attracting media coverage. These include as ammunition for the funding agency, internal communication, an investment for future use, background material, a statement of record, a Web alert for fellow researchers, a record of stewardship of public funds, education for the public, and family news.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Lewandowsky ◽  
Michael Jetter ◽  
Ullrich K. H. Ecker

Abstract Social media has arguably shifted political agenda-setting power away from mainstream media onto politicians. Current U.S. President Trump’s reliance on Twitter is unprecedented, but the underlying implications for agenda setting are poorly understood. Using the president as a case study, we present evidence suggesting that President Trump’s use of Twitter diverts crucial media (The New York Times and ABC News) from topics that are potentially harmful to him. We find that increased media coverage of the Mueller investigation is immediately followed by Trump tweeting increasingly about unrelated issues. This increased activity, in turn, is followed by a reduction in coverage of the Mueller investigation—a finding that is consistent with the hypothesis that President Trump’s tweets may also successfully divert the media from topics that he considers threatening. The pattern is absent in placebo analyses involving Brexit coverage and several other topics that do not present a political risk to the president. Our results are robust to the inclusion of numerous control variables and examination of several alternative explanations, although the generality of the successful diversion must be established by further investigation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Héctor Perla

AbstractThis article examines the determinants of public support for the use of military force. It puts forward a Framing Theory of Policy Objectives (FTPO), which contends that public support for military engagements depends on the public's perception of the policy's objective. However, it is difficult for the public to judge a policy's objective because they cannot directly observe a policy's true intention and influential political actors offer competing frames to define it. This framing contestation, carried out through the media, sets the public's decision-making reference point and determines whether the policy is perceived as seeking to avoid losses or to achieve gains. The FTPO predicts that support will increase when the public perceives policies as seeking to prevent losses and decrease when the public judges policies to be seeking gains. I operationalize and test the theory using content analysis of national news coverage and opinion polls of U.S. intervention in Central America during the 1980s. These framing effects are found to hold regardless of positive or negative valence of media coverage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-275
Author(s):  
Yiqin Ruan ◽  
Jing Yang ◽  
Jianbin Jin

Biotechnology, as an emerging technology, has drawn much attention from the public and elicited hot debates in countries around the world and among various stakeholders. Due to the public's limited access to front-line scientific information and scientists, as well as the difficulty of processing complex scientific knowledge, the media have become one of the most important channels for the public to get news about scientific issues such as genetically modified organisms (GMOs). According to framing theory, how the media portray GMO issues may influence audiences’ perceptions of those issues. Moreover, different countries and societies have various GMO regulations, policies and public opinion, which also affect the way media cover GMO issues. Thus, it is necessary to investigate how GMO issues are covered in different media outlets across different countries. We conducted a comparative content analysis of media coverage of GMO issues in China, the US and the UK. One mainstream news portal in each of the three countries was chosen ( People's Daily for China, The New York Times for the US, and The Guardian for the UK). We collected coverage over eight years, from 2008 to 2015, which yielded 749 pieces of news in total. We examined the sentiments expressed and the generic frames used in coverage of GMO issues. We found that the factual, human interest, conflict and regulation frames were the most common frames used on the three portals, while the sentiments expressed under those frames varied across the media outlets, indicating differences in the state of GMO development, promotion and regulation among the three countries.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Grusky ◽  
Emily Ryo

We test the popular claim that poverty and inequality were “dirty little secrets” until the media coverage of Hurricane Katrina exposed them to a wider public. If this account were on the mark, it would suggest that the absence of major antipoverty initiatives in the United States is partly attributable to public ignorance and apathy coupled with the narrowly rational decision on the part of policymakers to attend to other issues about which the public evidently cares more. Using the 2004 Maxwell Poll, we find strikingly high levels of awareness and activism on poverty and inequality issues even prior to Katrina, clearly belying the “dirty little secret” account. The follow-up Maxwell Poll, which was administered in 2005 immediately after Katrina, revealed only a slight increase in public awareness of poverty and inequality. The Katrina effect was evidently dampened because (1) the large number of preexisting poverty activists reduced the size of the residual population “at risk” for conversion to antipoverty activism, and (2) the remaining non-activists were ardently opposed to poverty activism and hence unlikely to be receptive to the liberal message coming out of Katrina.


2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1885-1892 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico A Pasquaré ◽  
Roberta Bettinetti ◽  
Sonia Fumagalli ◽  
Davide A Vignati

AbstractObjectiveTo evaluate if and how the current degree of scientific uncertainty about the safety of fish consumption is incorporated at the media level.DesignWe used a dedicated software (TalTac®) to investigate the content of 169 news articles related to ‘mercury and fish consumption’ that appeared from 1990 to 2010 in the two Italian broadsheets with the highest circulation figures, in order to identify journalistic frames used in the coverage of benefits v. risks associated with fish consumption. Hypotheses were made on how the public might change fish consumption patterns as a result of media coverage.SettingItaly.ResultsThe two newspapers have different agendas in covering the issue. La Repubblica appears to support the view that, besides health benefits, there may be risks associated with fish consumption, while Corriere della Sera emphasizes health benefits more than possible risks. Depending on the preferred information source, the public could: (i) reduce its fish intake; (ii) increase its fish intake; or (iii) become confused about the problem and sceptical towards the media, as a result of conflicting journalistic frames.ConclusionsThe Italian media, in cooperation with scientists, public health nutritionists and dietitians, should place more emphasis on the existence of a few fish species with high to very high Hg levels and relatively low contents of beneficial n-3 fatty acids (e.g. swordfish and shark). This would enable consumers to make more educated purchasing decisions to maximize the benefits of n-3 intake while reducing possible risks from consuming Hg-contaminated fish.


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