I Florensi nelle strutture politiche, religiose e socio-economiche della Calabria (XII–XIII sec.)

Author(s):  
Mariarosaria Salerno

AbstractA specific area of north-eastern Calabria, between the Sila and the Ionian Sea, profoundly Greek and with a degree of stability from the Byzantine to the Norman era and even beyond, represents an ideal local area in which to document the development of the Florensian monastic organization, with its political, social and religious peculiarities. The interaction of Joachim of Fiore and his monks with the political and ecclesiastical authorities did not differ from those of other monastic institutions in the area. As regards the latter, the Cistercians in particular, despite the criticisms levelled by the abbot of Fiore, exhibited similar practical behaviour, both religious and economic, especially in the struggle for the demanium, and this sometimes led to conflict. Both „new“ orders, however, participated in the transition of the area towards the Latin reform.

Africa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Cinnamon

ABSTRACTThrough narratives of an anti-‘fetish’ movement that swept through north-eastern Gabon in the mid-1950s, the present article traces the contours of converging political and religious imaginations in that country in the years preceding independence. Fang speakers in the region make explicit connections between the arrival of post-Second World War electoral politics, the anti-fetish movements, and perceptions of political weakening and marginalization of their region on the eve of independence. Rival politicians and the colonial administration played key roles in the movement, which brought in a Congolese ritual expert, Emane Boncoeur, and his two powerful spirits, Mademoiselle and Mimbare. These spirits, later recuperated in a wide range of healing practices, continue to operate today throughout northern Gabon and Rio Muni. In local imaginaries, these spirits played central roles in the birth of both regional and national politics, paradoxically strengthening the colonial administration and Gabonese auxiliaries in an era of pre-independence liberalization. Thus, regional political events in the 1950s rehearsed later configurations of power, including presidential politics, on the national stage.


Author(s):  
John M. Sloop

While each term denoting the area of “Rhetoric and Critical/Cultural Studies” denotes a broad area of academic study on its own, there are numerous to contain or capture a specific area of study. Regardless of how it gets cordoned off, the area is defined by similar themes. In one sense, the area now going under this banner begins with the march of British cultural studies (especially, the so-called Birmingham School under Stuart Hall’s leadership) into the U.S. academic discussion that began in the 1970s. As this particular study of culture found its way into communication studies departments across the country, many scholars emerging from their graduate programs were shaping the area of rhetoric and critical/cultural scholars in the very act of researching the ways meanings/ideology were constrained and enabled by the operation of the entire circuit of meaning (i.e., production, consumption, representation, identity, and regulation). As the critical/culture study of rhetoric and communication has grown, several themes have emerged: (a) the study of ideological and discursive constraints (often linked to a critique of neoliberalism); (b) the study of media ecology and its way of shaping meaning; (c) studies focusing on reception/agency/resistance; (d) studies concerning materialism and the ways communication is altered by the political economy; (e) studies based in performativity; and (f) studies based in affect theory. In general, regardless of the orientation, these studies are concerned with issues of power and action around intersectional axes such as gender, race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, class, and nationality.


2021 ◽  
pp. 61-76
Author(s):  
Stefania Tutino

This chapter focuses on Joachim of Fiore, Giovanni’s alleged companion and inspirator. After a brief introduction to Joachim’s life and works, this chapter explains the controversies that Joachim’s prophecies and theological views provoked. The chapter also explores the centuries-long and failed attempts made by Joachim’s followers to have him officially canonized. In the seventeenth century, the case for Joachim’s sanctity received several boosts, including the important endorsement of the Jesuit Daniel Papebroch, one of the leaders of the Bollandists. The chapter explores all the political, intellectual, and theological reasons for this novel enthusiasm, which Carlo hoped would have benefited Giovanni’s case as well. Analyzing the joint cases of Joachim and Giovanni provides a unique lens through which we can appreciate the politics of sanctity in connection with questions of historical authenticity and theological orthodoxy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosalia Maglietta ◽  
Vito Renò ◽  
Giulia Cipriano ◽  
Carmelo Fanizza ◽  
Annalisa Milella ◽  
...  

Gesnerus ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Hines Mabika

It was not Dutch settlers nor British colonizers who introduced public and community health practice in north-eastern South Africa but medical doctors of the Swiss mission in southern Africa. While the history of medical knowledge transfer into 19th–20th century Africa emphasises colonial powers, this paper shows how countries without colonies contributed to expand western medical cultures, including public health. The Swiss took advantage of the local authorities’ negligence, and implemented their own model of medicalization of African societies, understood as the way of improving health standards. They moved from a tolerated hospital-centred medicine to the practice of community health, which was uncommon at the time. Elim hospital’s physicians moved back boundaries of segregationist policies, and sometime gave the impression of being involved in the political struggle against Apartheid. Thus, Swiss public health activities could later be seen as sorts of seeds that were planted and would partly reappear in 1994 with the ANC-projected national health policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


Rusin ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
I. Szakál ◽  

The autumn of 1918 brought the end of WWI. ended. The Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, the Aster Revolution ran its course in Hungary, Archduke Joseph appointed Count Károlyi Mihály, head of the Hungarian National Council the Prime Minister. The government of the Hungarian People’s Republic, led by M. Karoya, had its own ideas on the prospects of the north-eastern counties of Hungary. The Károlyi government entrusted Oszkár Jászi, a minister without portfolio, a well-known social scientist, an expert in ethnic issues to elaborate the Hungarian nationalities’ autonomy. On December 21, 1918, the People’s Law Nr. X was adopted. It provided for the creation of Ruszka Krajna autonomous region on the territory of Ung, Bereg, Ugocsa and Máramaros (Maramureș) counties inhabited by the Rusins. Historians are aware of the attempt of the Hungarian People’s Republic to create Rusinian autonomy in the late 1918 and early 1919. However, there are archival documents that can help to supplement our previous knowledge of the issue, providing an insight into the circumstances of the creation of Ruszka Krajna and how real the chances of autonomy were. The article attempts to reveal the plans of the Hungarian government regarding the Rusins in 1918–1919, to derscribe the activities of the Ministry of Ruszka Krajna and the Governor’s Office, and to specify the political and social circumstances that influenced these events. In the course of the research, the author first studied the little-known documents of of Ruszka Krajna in Munkács, the Greek Catholic Diocese of Munkács, and the Rusinian People’s Council of Hungary.


Rangifer ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-App) ◽  
pp. 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Konstantin B. Klokov

This paper analyses trends in domesticated reindeer numbers at the federal, regional, and local levels based on official statistics and interviews with herders in different northern districts across Russia. During the second half of the last century, the domesticated reindeer population in Russia shifted dramatically from a maximum of 2.5 million head to a minimum of 1.2. The most important trends were connected to changes in social and economic conditions linked to government directives. Post-Soviet reforms in the 1990s resulted in a nearly 50% reduction in the total number of domesticated reindeer. However in some regions, these political events had the opposite effect. The contrast was due to the abilities of herders to adapt to the new conditions. A detailed analysis of these adaptations reveals an important difference between reindeer-holding enterprises with common ownership (i.e. kolkhozes, sovkhozes, municipal enterprises, etc.) and households with family owned reindeer. The paper concludes that the effect the political context is so large as to conceal the impact of other natural factors on reindeer populations such as climate change. However, a gradual increase of reindeer populations in the north-eastern part of Russia in the 1960s can be associated with changes in atmospheric circulation patterns.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-154
Author(s):  
K.A. AFANASYEVA ◽  

The reform of education in Russia in the post-Soviet period has become an illustrative example of the influence of the prevailing socio-economic and socio-political trends on a specific area of society. The purpose of the article is to identify the political prerequisites under the influence of which the institutional and functional transformation of the educational system took place, accompanied by social and economic changes. The research methodology is a set of systematic, normative, structural, and historical methods of cognition. As a result of the study, the main prerequisites and manifestations of the process of reforming the education sector are established, and the direction and content of changes made in this area since the early 1990s are evaluated.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document