scholarly journals When electoral Paradigm meets the research Implications: The Youth Perspective

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Mihálik

Abstract The recent comprehensive research on youth attitudes to democratic governance, political leaders and civic participation has explored several patterns of electoral behaviour of young voters. The major domains of such include support for alternative political platforms, dissatisfaction with the democratic performance, rise of xenophobia and propensity to far-right politics and radical problem solutions. These trends have been, to some extent, visible during the electoral campaign and confirmed in the results, let alone the rise of extremist measures among young voters and their political support. The aim of the research paper is to confront the research data in Slovakia from two contrasting field sites with the electoral paradigms as interpreted from the electoral results and support for particular political parties and movements. We argue using the combined methodological approaches from quantitative surveys and in-depth individual interviews with young people from MYPLACE project and other research data to compare the research implications with the electoral results and related major themes.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-101
Author(s):  
Edione Teixeira de Carvalho ◽  
Odete Selva ◽  
Geysa Luiza De Souza Santos ◽  
Antonio Gomes

ResumoEm nome de muitos “modismos” pedagógicos se sacrifica a infância com práticas inadequadas à fase da criança, desrespeitando seu modo de ser e sua linguagem própria, que é o brincar. Este artigo resulta de uma pesquisa realizada no Centro Educacional Amerecilda Conceição Fernandes Rezende, no município de Campo Verde (MT), com o objetivo de averiguar na percepção dos pais a importância que estes atribuem para o ensino da linguagem escrita e do brincar na Educação Infantil. Discute-se na problemática se há pressão por parte dos pais para que os professores iniciem o ensino da linguagem escrita nas fases de Pré I, II e III (4 a 6 anos) e se os professores sentem ou não tal pressão. Nesta trajetória se buscou traduzir a posição dos pais a respeito do problema, bem como o posicionamento dos professores. A metodologia considerada nesta investigação é de natureza aplicada, com uma abordagem quantitativa, no sentido de quantificar os dados e qualitativa no sentido de explicar a realidade pesquisada. Quanto aos objetivos é descritiva, e quanto aos procedimentos técnicos se caracteriza como pesquisa de campo. Os dados foram coletados mediante a aplicação de questionário com uma amostra de cinquenta e quatro pais e entrevistas coletivas e individuais com sete professores. Ao finalizar a pesquisa, conclui-se que há uma pressão implícita, por parte dos pais, e que os professores sentem essa pressão de várias fontes, até mesmo deles próprios. Palavras-chave: Cuidar. Educar. Ensinar. AbstractIn the name of many pedagogical “fads”, childhood is sacrificed with practices inappropriate to the child's stage, disrespecting their way of being and their own language, which is playing. This article is the result of a research carried out at Centro Educacional Amerecilda Conceição Fernandes Rezende, in the municipality of Campo Verde (MT), with the aim of ascertaining in the parents' perception the importance they attach to the teaching of written language and playing in early childhood education. . The issue is discussed whether there is pressure on the parents’ part for teachers to start teaching written language in the Pre I, II and III phases (4 to 6 years) and whether or not teachers feel such pressure. In this trajectory, it was sought to translate the parents 'position regarding the problem, as well as the teachers' position. The methodology considered in this investigation is of an applied nature, with a quantitative approach, in order to quantify the data and qualitative in order to explain the researched reality. As for the objectives, it is descriptive, and for technical procedures, it is characterized as field research. Data were collected through the application of a questionnaire with a sample of fifty-four parents and collective and individual interviews with seven teachers. At the end of the research, it is concluded that there is an implicit pressure from parents and that teachers feel this pressure from several sources, even from themselves. keywords: Caring. Educating. Teaching


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 182-201
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Mihálik

Abstract The aim of this paper is to explore the modern trends of political leadership in relation to young generation in Slovakia as interpreted by the results from international collaborative research project. The author tries to address the issues of trust, attitudes and challenges within democratic governance and political leadership in contemporary political and social agenda in the specific case study of Slovakia. First, we use the theoretical approaches to understand political leadership in context and then we apply the qualitative analysis of individual interviews with respondents in two field sites in Slovakia to link the issues of democratic governance and political leadership. Finally, using the survey data and quantitative statistical analysis we measure the political trust and attitudes of young people toward politicians and social organizations. This paper confirms the relatively large negative positions of young people to their political interest, trust, attitudes to political elites and practical democratic performance.


Subject The government’s poor showing in regional elections. Significance Elections in Slovakia’s eight regions on November 4 led to a surprise defeat for Prime Minister Robert Fico’s Direction-Social Democracy (Smer-SD) party, whose candidates lost four of the six governorships they previously held. A coalition of opposition centre-right parties, which normally only win the governorship in the most prosperous region, Bratislava, was victorious in five of the eight regions. This is the strongest indication yet that the current left-nationalist government could be replaced by such a coalition at the next parliamentary elections due in spring 2020. Impacts The current governing coalition will want to avoid early elections and serve a full four-year term until March 2020. Fico is likely to continue promoting generous social policies to increase his political support. With the defeat of the far-right, Slovakia will continue to diverge from the other Central European states. The weakening of Smer-SD and lack of trust shown by voters leaves considerable scope for new parties to succeed in future elections.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 212-235
Author(s):  
Adam Mrozowicki ◽  
Vera Trappmann ◽  
Alexandra Seehaus ◽  
Justyna Kajta

This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart James Turnbull-Dugarte ◽  
José Rama

Does the electoral defeat of a far-right party abroad influence support for far-right parties at home? By exploiting the quasi-experimental setting provided by the coincidental timing of Donald Trump’s 2020 electoral defeat with the Spanish Sociological Study’s monthly barometer data collection, we provide robust causal evidence to show that far-right’s electoral loss in the US had a negative contagious spillover effect on support for the Spanish far-right. Empirically we estimate treatment effects based on the as good as random exposure to the electoral results, as well as regression discontinuity models to isolate the causal impact of Donald Trump’s electoral defeat on support for Spain’s new far-right party, VOX. Our results - which are robust to various modelling approaches including covariate adjustment, regional fixed effects, placebo issues and nearest-neighbour matching - demonstrate that Trump’s defeat to Joe Biden had a sizeable negative effect on support for VOX. The contagion effect is substantive: equal to 3-5 percentage-points among the general population and 8-11 percentage-points among right-wing voters. Our findings make an important contribution to the broader literature on electoral behaviour as they indicate that the electoral success of ideologically symmetrical parties abroad plays a role in understanding a party's domestic success.


Significance Except for the far-right Brothers of Italy (FdI), all the main parties are part of the government, thus giving Draghi significant political support as he prepares to tackle Italy's unprecedented health and economic crises. Impacts A strong recovery could go a long way in reducing Eurosceptic sentiment in Italy. Draghi will have to manage disputes carefully between national and state authorities, who have much control over health policy. Social unrest would put pressure on the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the League to withdraw support for Draghi.


Author(s):  
Dmitrienko Nadezhda Alekseevna ◽  
Kotlyarova Viktoria Valentinovna

This study is aimed at estimating the existed students’ patriotic level in a small town of Rostov region. The main components of patriotism are selected among important personal, social and professional characteristics that can be stimulated in electoral campaign and improved in education process. The authors’ model of evaluating students’ patriotism is based on the comparative analyses of students’ electoral behaviour during different electoral campaigns as integrity of sociological survey and pedagogic theory. The correlation data between electoral behaviour and levels of patriotic upbringing are pointed out. Scientific novelty of the paper consists in a methodological unity of psychological and pedagogic principles expanded by the synergy approach explaining the development of students’ patriotism. The article presents theoretical justification and experimental analyses proving the necessity to develop electoral culture as the methodological principle of improving patriotic upbringing. The article is of practical use for teachers, scientists elaborating methodology of improving patriotism based on election culture in educational environment of technical university.Keywords: Electoral behaviour, synergy, models of electoral behaviour, youth, the average Russian town.


1993 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
David McCrone ◽  
Frank Bechhofer

Growing territorial cleavages within Britain have attracted considerable interest from social scientists in recent years. New spatial models of voting, accounting for the declining homogeneity of electoral behaviour,1 have drawn attention to localised patterns of political support, as well as the emergence of regional cleavages across Britain as a whole.2 Talk of a North–South split has become the common currency of political commentators to account for regional disparities between Conservative and Labour support.3 Alongside these local and regional divisions in voting patterns, there is a new interest in broader aspects of the political differences between the nations of the UK, notably between England on the one hand, and Scotland and Wales on the other.4


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-181
Author(s):  
Claude Dargent

Since the 1930s, the frequency of mass attendance has been the most widely used indicator of involvement in Catholicism in France. Yet its validity is sometimes debated: to what extent can subjective religiosity constitute an alternative measure? Both indicators seem closely related. However, the social distributions they perform diverge at the margin. And the large sample on which this research is based reveals changes in contemporary Catholicism – particularly with regard to the urban rather than rural character of today’s practitioners. Electoral behaviour is also used in this article as a touchstone for the comparison of the two indicators. Previous research has established the strong link between Catholic religious practice and right-wing – but not far-right – voting. Despite the singularity of the 2017 election, the analysis establishes that this still holds true – and that the combination of these two indicators allows for subtler insight into this link.


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