scholarly journals Charles de Gaulle's Political Philosophy – a View from the 21st Century International Dimension

2020 ◽  
pp. 206-216
Author(s):  
Elena Narochnitskaya ◽  

The historical and political visions of France's greatest statesman of the 20th century Charles de Gaulle resonate in present controversies over essential topics including prospects for nation states and civilizations in globalization era, the concept of European integration, structures and norms of the 21th century international order and more. The value of de Gaulle's political philosophy is not in the originality of underlying theoretical ideas, but in an uncommonly harmonious dualism of fundamental antithesis applied to the changing concrete realities and political action strategy. His foreign policy thinking combined recognition of the continuing role of nations with globally scaled and universalist approach, historicism – with attention to recent and upcoming shifts; realism – with values and principles; pragmatism in tactics – with strategic vision and political will. De Gaulle’s “national idea” is aware of the line that separates constructive national ambitions from destructive ones and is balanced by the European and global dimensions of his concerns and motivations. National interests, being the core priority for de Gaulle as head of state, were conceived not in a standard way but within the framework of rebuilding the Cold War bipolar system into a more plural and cooperative international order with a "true" Europe of Nations as an independent center of power. Of particular importance in today's context are the humanist aspect of de Gaulle's views on civilization and technological progress and his recognition of ideological pluralism in international relations.

Author(s):  
Ekaterina NAROCHNITSKAYA

The national credo of Ch. de Gaulle went fаr beyond patriotism, a romantically providential image of France, the principles of French independence and “greatness”. The «last great Frenchman» had his own in-depth understanding of national dimension in history, which in his typical way synthesized existing concepts and doctrines, while rejecting extremes, reductionism and absolutization. Being a doer of history and not a desk theorist, the founder of the Fifth Republic did not seek to formalize his reflections in abstract terms. Yet, his systemic approach to the national dimension within his political philosophy contains a substantial theoretical message. The author explores key elements of de Gaulle's national idea, his views on the French nation’s genesis, identity and evolution, on political and cultural role of nationhood, on prospects for nation states and other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Mearsheimer

The liberal international order, erected after the Cold War, was crumbling by 2019. It was flawed from the start and thus destined to fail. The spread of liberal democracy around the globe—essential for building that order—faced strong resistance because of nationalism, which emphasizes self-determination. Some targeted states also resisted U.S. efforts to promote liberal democracy for security-related reasons. Additionally, problems arose because a liberal order calls for states to delegate substantial decisionmaking authority to international institutions and to allow refugees and immigrants to move easily across borders. Modern nation-states privilege sovereignty and national identity, however, which guarantees trouble when institutions become powerful and borders porous. Furthermore, the hyperglobalization that is integral to the liberal order creates economic problems among the lower and middle classes within the liberal democracies, fueling a backlash against that order. Finally, the liberal order accelerated China's rise, which helped transform the system from unipolar to multipolar. A liberal international order is possible only in unipolarity. The new multipolar world will feature three realist orders: a thin international order that facilitates cooperation, and two bounded orders—one dominated by China, the other by the United States—poised for waging security competition between them.


Author(s):  
Amy L. Sayward

This chapter explores the role of international institutions during the Cold War. It explains that while international institutions promoted their own agendas for global action, they also provided venues for raising questions about the bipolar power contest and acted as mitigators in international conflicts. The chapter also suggests that the histories of international institutions can provide insights into the complexities of the Cold War. It furthermore discusses the role of the United Nations in creating an era of global expectations and conventions that do fit into the nation-states paradigm, and highlights the emergence of the so-called world society or world culture during the Cold War.


This books surveys the evolution of the international order in the quarter century since the end of the Cold War through the prism of developments in key regional and functional parts of this “liberal international order 2.0” (LIO 2.0) and the roles played by two key ordering powers, the United States and the People’s Republic of China. Among the partial orders analyzed in the individual chapters are the regions of Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia and the international regimes dealing with international trade, climate change, nuclear weapons, cyberspace, and international public health emergencies, such as SARS and Zika. To assess developments in these various segments of the LIO 2.0, and to relate them to developments in the two other crucial levels of political order, order within nation-states and at the global level, the volume develops a comprehensive, integrated framework of analysis that allows systematic comparison of developments across boundaries between segments and different levels of the international order. Using this framework, the book presents a holistic assessment of the trajectory of the international order over the last decades, the rise, decline, and demise of the LIO 2.0, and causes of the dangerous erosion of international order over the last decade.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-395
Author(s):  
Alexander Anievas ◽  
Richard Saull

Abstract This article intervenes in IR debates on the origins and character of the postwar liberal international order. Dominant theorizations of the US-led Western order rest on a shared assumption of its essentially post-fascist character based on the liberal-democratic properties of its constitutive members. This article challenges this prevailing view. It does so through a critical historical and theoretical exploration of the role of far-right ideopolitical forces in the development of the liberal international order during the early Cold War period. Drawing on the concepts of “uneven and combined development” and “passive revolution” as alternative theoretical frames, the article focuses particular attention on the significance of former fascists in the workings and institutional fabric of a number of West European states and the relationship between the United States and NATO in far-right coup-plotting and violence that punctuated their national histories. Demonstrating these far-right “contributions” to the making and evolution of the Cold War order, the article offers a reconceptualization of liberal order construction and US hegemony that not only problematizes existing accounts of Cold War geopolitics but also demonstrates the structural interconnections between the far-right and liberal order-building projects that goes beyond the Cold War era.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nermin Abadan-Unat

The end of the Cold War has been marked by the re-emergence of nationalism. This article is focused on Turkey and Turkish emigration abroad. It examines integration of second generation immigrants in Western Europe and various forces fostering Islamic identity. It then compares political discourse on immigration in France and Germany. It concludes that the resurgence of ethnic identity as the basis for effective political action in widely divergent societies is a key feature of the post-Cold War period. Immigrants have been actively involved in this general process as witnessed by the role of immigrants in recent conflict in Yugoslavia and Turkey.


Modern Italy ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Amoretti ◽  
Diego Giannone

Many authors use the metaphor of an accordion to describe the enlargement of the constitutional functions of the Italian head of state: because of the weakness of the political parties the president is able to ‘open and play the accordion’ according to his own interpretation of his institutional powers. While useful, this metaphor does not take into account the structural changes that have occurred over the last 30 years, as well as the informal powers that recent presidents have resorted to, which were the most important factors in the metamorphosis of the presidential figure. Structural changes include the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the First Republic and the mediatisation and personalisation of politics and party structure. Informal powers include those of ‘esternazione’ (a term that roughly means ‘to render public personal statements without previous consultation with the cabinet’) and of moral suasion. By analysing the development of these two powers, this article aims to describe the changing role of the head of state during the Second Republic. It also defines a typology of presidential moral suasion, which is proposed as a useful tool to analyse presidential style and strategy in influencing law-making. The analysis of the innovative use of communicative powers by the last two presidents, Ciampi and Napolitano, shows how the transformation of the Italian presidency can probably be considered permanent.


1998 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 51-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otfried Höffe

Liberal democracy has long been recognized ‘in principle’ as the political project of modern times. This is not a political philosophy of which we can say that it has followed the words of Hegel and taken flight only with the falling of the dusk. Rather it is a philosophy which observes the Aristotelian maxim that ‘the end aimed at is not knowledge but action’, and therefore concerns itself with a perspective from which the thought of its own recognition is still in question. This thought is the one of international order. Here the figure of Kant steps forth in the role of philosophical and political avant-garde.


Author(s):  
Ang Cheng Guan

This chapter examines the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia. It explains that the onset of the Cold War coincided with nationalist struggles and decolonization, and explains why Southeast Asians should appreciate that the Cold War is a historical event which has significantly affected the development of their countries, particularly in terms of the role of the Cold War in shaping the political development of the nation-states and interstate relations in the region, and the growing interest in rewriting the history of the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Prasenjit Duara

This chapter examines the role of the imperialism of nation-states in the Cold War. It suggests that the Cold War rivalry provided the “frame of reference” in which the historical forces of imperialism and nationalism interacted with developments such as decolonization, multiculturalism, and new ideologies and modes of identity formation. The chapter also argues that while the equilibrium of Cold War rivalry generated an entrenched political and ideological hegemony limiting the realization of political, economic, and imaginative possibilities in much of the world, the developing world represented significant weak links and played an equally important role in its collapse.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document