scholarly journals The Ideological Legacy of Charles de Gaulle. II. National Paradigm. Part 1. An Understanding of National Realitie

Author(s):  
Ekaterina NAROCHNITSKAYA

The national credo of Ch. de Gaulle went fаr beyond patriotism, a romantically providential image of France, the principles of French independence and “greatness”. The «last great Frenchman» had his own in-depth understanding of national dimension in history, which in his typical way synthesized existing concepts and doctrines, while rejecting extremes, reductionism and absolutization. Being a doer of history and not a desk theorist, the founder of the Fifth Republic did not seek to formalize his reflections in abstract terms. Yet, his systemic approach to the national dimension within his political philosophy contains a substantial theoretical message. The author explores key elements of de Gaulle's national idea, his views on the French nation’s genesis, identity and evolution, on political and cultural role of nationhood, on prospects for nation states and other.

2020 ◽  
pp. 206-216
Author(s):  
Elena Narochnitskaya ◽  

The historical and political visions of France's greatest statesman of the 20th century Charles de Gaulle resonate in present controversies over essential topics including prospects for nation states and civilizations in globalization era, the concept of European integration, structures and norms of the 21th century international order and more. The value of de Gaulle's political philosophy is not in the originality of underlying theoretical ideas, but in an uncommonly harmonious dualism of fundamental antithesis applied to the changing concrete realities and political action strategy. His foreign policy thinking combined recognition of the continuing role of nations with globally scaled and universalist approach, historicism – with attention to recent and upcoming shifts; realism – with values and principles; pragmatism in tactics – with strategic vision and political will. De Gaulle’s “national idea” is aware of the line that separates constructive national ambitions from destructive ones and is balanced by the European and global dimensions of his concerns and motivations. National interests, being the core priority for de Gaulle as head of state, were conceived not in a standard way but within the framework of rebuilding the Cold War bipolar system into a more plural and cooperative international order with a "true" Europe of Nations as an independent center of power. Of particular importance in today's context are the humanist aspect of de Gaulle's views on civilization and technological progress and his recognition of ideological pluralism in international relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
David Ramiro Troitino ◽  
Tanel Kerikmae ◽  
Olga Shumilo

This article highlights the role of Charles de Gaulle in the history of united post-war Europe, his approaches to the internal and foreign French policies, also vetoing the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Community. The authors describe the emergence of De Gaulle as a politician, his uneasy relationship with Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II, also the roots of developing a “nationalistic” approach to regional policy after the end of the war. The article also considers the emergence of the Common Agricultural Policy (hereinafter - CAP), one of Charles de Gaulle’s biggest achievements in foreign policy, and the reasons for the Fouchet Plan defeat.


Author(s):  
Marta Pachocka

During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone’s contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic’s multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Wahlke

Discontent with the functioning of representative bodies is hardly new. Most of them were born and developed in the face of opposition denying their legitimacy and their feasibility. Most have lived amid persistent unfriendly attitudes, ranging from the total hostility of anti-democrats to the pessimistic assessments of such diverse commentators as Lord Bryce, Walter Lippmann, and Charles de Gaulle. Of particular interest today is the discontent with representative bodies expressed by the friends of democracy, the supporters of representative government, many of whom see in recent history a secular ‘decline of parliament’ and in prospect the imminent demise of representative bodies.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina NAROCHNITSKAYA

The imperative of France's grandeur was one of de Gaulle’s national idea essential elements which is as widely known as it is often misinterpreted. Although such classical vocabulary was disappearing from European political discourse, the founder of Gaullism used the notion of greatness strongly rooted in French political culture as a mobilizing symbolic force for meeting crucial domestic challenges. The motive of greatness was also closely linked with the principles of France’s autonomy and global responsibility, on which de Gaulle pivoted the positioning of the Fifth Republic in the post-war world. All this conflicted with the supranational Euro-Atlantic project, which was the main reason for the sharp negativism against de Gaulle's strategy and rhetoric, accused of "archaic thinking" by his opponents. In fact, the "last great Frenchman’s” concept of "greatness" was quite unorthodox in its reasoning and content, which are of particular interest as part of his relevant ideological legacy. Instead of axiomatic superiority, restoration of former power, civilizing mission, he insisted on the importance of high goal setting, vast undertakings and historical actorness, which were in de Gaulle’s view the existential imperative of French history.


Author(s):  
E. Yu. Il’In

The following article deals with the formation and perspectives of the concept of Greater Europe from Lisbon to Vladivostok, and the difficulties in the way of its realization. The author speaks about close historical and cultural ties connecting Russia and Europe, outward and mental resemblance of the peoples of Europe, including Russians.For the first time the theory of Greater Europe was considered in the works of geopoliticians of the beginning and the middle of the twentieth century. It is reflected in the plans to form a pan-European union, drawn by Charles De Gaulle and Michail Gorbachev. Analyzing the statements of modern Russian and European politicians one may come to the conclusion that both parties are mutually interested in the realization of the concept of Greater Europe. However, according to actual evidence, neither Russia, nor the European Union takes any decisive steps in getting closer. The article focuses on serious contradictions between Russia and the European Union on the basic principles underlying Greater Europe. The opposing views refer to the problems of equality in the sphere of strategic partnership, the energy dialogue and the construction of the post-Soviet territory. The author lays stress on the phenomenon of «integrations collision». The article also deals with the destabilizing role of the USA and some European states which actively promote the initiative of the «Eastern partnership». The Ukrainian crisis has become a major strength test in the relations between Russia and the European Union, which resulted in a vast credibility gap, the «war of sanctions», the disruption of business and political ties. Notwithstanding the complexity of the situation, calls for tightening up the connections between the European and Eurasian integration projects are becoming louder. This gives us hope that both parties will not only be able to keep historical ties, but also take steps in creating a common area from Lisbon to Vladivostok.


1984 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-239
Author(s):  
William R. Schonfeld

Long-established traditions are difficult to change. This almost tautological adage seems particularly applicable to France, and the scholarly images of her political and administrative systems. In spite of the durability of the Fifth Republic, observers continue to wonder. whether the constitutional structure created in 1958 can survive with a parliamentary majority holding views which oppose those of the President of the Republic. That this issue remains salient after the 1981 elections which brought into power « resolute enemies » of the institutions established by Charles de Gaulle, provides eloquent testimony to the stability of the image of an unstable French political system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-201
Author(s):  
Gabriel Ion Degeratu

A very important Romanian historical event took place on 14 May 1968 when General Charles de Gaulle, the president of The French Fifth Republic, visited Bucharest, an initiative stemming from this visionary head of state’s idea of a unified Europe stretching “from the Atlantic to the Urals’. Have you heard of Romanian generals Polihron Dumitrescu and Ioan Heruvim? Charles de Gaulle’s visit proved quite difficult to manage for the communist regime, one of the difficulties being the French general’s meeting with these two generals, former classmates from the Special Military School of Saint-Cyr. His itinerary included the cities of Craiova and Târgoviște because of these expectedly emotional meetings with Dumitrescu and Heruvim, the former having been de Gaulle’s class president, and the latter one of its most brilliant students, and the city of Cetatea Băniei where the French general performed an official military salute.


Author(s):  
Dzhamilya Gunduz Kyzy Atakishieva ◽  
Natal'ya Nikolaevna Naumova

This article traces the evolution of the Western European policy of the General Charles de Gaulle during his presidency. In the early 1950s, he willingly cooperated with the European countries in terms of creating the economic union; however, in the course of solution of decolonization issues and, namely the Algerian problem that constrained the implementation of the key vectors of state policy, the president began focused on advancing the concept of national mightiness of France and commitment to the principles of intergovernmental cooperation in the development of integration. Charles de Gaulle fought for the foundation of the political union “Europe of the Homelands”, in which France would be assigned a significant role. The article analyzes de Gaulle’s failures in negotiations with the “P5+1” countries, which once again demonstrated to the Europeans that building integration is a long and complex process that does not tolerate rapid decisions and requires the ability to compromise. Special attention is turned to the development of integration policy of the General Charles de Gaulle based on his formal speeches, correspondence, and memoirs. De Gaulle's efforts in the sphere of integration policy of the Fifth Republic yielded certain results. First and foremost, he was able to establish the superiority of national principles in addressing the general policy issues in the European Community. Secondly, he prevented the Great Britain from joining the Common Market, as from his opinion it was an economic and political competitor of France. Thirdly, de Gaulle strengthened the international reputation of France as the country that was at the dawn and in the lead of the integration processes in Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 235-274
Author(s):  
Evgeniia Obichkina ◽  

The start of the presidential cycle opens up a new period of French domestic and foreign policies. It is typical for the domestic school of Frenсh studies to correlate the foreign policy of a new president with the main historical reference of the Fifth republic – the diplomacy of its founder Charles de Gaulle, despite the fact that the international situation that determined it is a thing of the past. The profound transformations of the international environment have shattered the foundations of the foreign policy equilibrium formed by de Gaulle, therefore it seems an anachronism to predict the foreign policy course of Paris based solely on tradition. During three and a half years of E. Macron's rule, the main directions of adjusting geopolitical approaches were determined, which did not diminish the acuteness of the question of the role of France and the EU in the world, where a new hierarchy of centers of power is being built. New features of French geopolitics testify to the transformations of geopolitical identity, in which sovereignty was transferred to the European (EU) level, and strategic identity from the national / European to the European / Atlantic level. In this dual ensemble, France intends to play the role of a leader capable of promoting national interests through the establishment of the EU as an independent center of power. The purpose of this study is to analyze the foundations of current French geopolitics, which allows to outline the direction and framework of the country's foreign policy for the medium, possibly for the long term.


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