scholarly journals Nuclear Dilemma in Czech-Russian Relations

Author(s):  
Mikhail Vedernikov ◽  

The article discusses the issue of construction of two additional power units of the Dukovany NPP which gained widespread attention in the second half of 2020. The author's attention is focused on the discussion of Czech politicians and entrepreneurs regarding the participation of the Russian company Rosatom in this project. The opposition to Prime Minister A. Babiš takes an irreconcilable position, demanding to exclude it under the pretext of a geopolitical threat from the Russian Federation. As shown in the work, the head of government has to balance between the interests of big business, whose representatives demand to speed up the project development process, and anti-Russian politicians, whose support, as shown by recent polls, is increasing. It is likely that in the fall of 2021, after the next parliament elections, they will form a new government. In such circumstances, one should not count on an improvement in Czech-Russian relations.

2019 ◽  
pp. 60-66
Author(s):  
R. A. Lugovskoy ◽  
E. V. Mikhaylov

The presented study analyzes the proposal of the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation D. A. Medvedev to switch to a four-day working week. In the context of the topic, the experience of dealing with this issue is examined, including international practices. A similar proposal was discussed by I.V. Stalin as far back as Soviet times, although in the context of switching to five- or six-hour working days, but only in 2019 did this issue become the subject of debate. In light of the pension reform, which has led to an increase in the retirement age in Russia, a number of experts believe that such proposals may entail potential changes that could have a negative effect on the situation of workers. This study examines the mechanisms of public administration in coordination with enterprises relating to changes in the working hours.Aim. The authors aim to analyze potential directions for the improvement of public administration in the field of labor legislation, which has a significant impact on the development of the economy, business, and the situation of workers.Tasks. This study determines the historical background of Russia’s switch to a four-day working week; examines the legal mechanisms and specific features of labor legislation in Russia in the context of the planned switch to a four-day working week; explores international practices in the field of regulation of working hours; analyzes the benefits and drawbacks of switching to a four-day working week in Russia; develops proposals associated with Russia’s switch to a four-day working week.Methods. The methodological basis for the consideration of the problems includes general scientific methods, systems, structural, functional, and institutional analysis.Results. The ongoing processes in the field of improvement of labor legislation and its impact on the economy, business, and the situation of workers are comprehensively analyzed. The historical background of Russia’s switch to a four-day working week is determined; fundamentals of Russian labor legislation are examined; benefits and drawbacks of the potential innovations in the field of regulation of working hours are identified with allowance for international practices. The authors formulate proposals, the implementation of which will bring Russia closer to the switch to a four-day working week.Conclusions. The proposals of the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation to switch to a four-day working week has raised a lot of questions. For instance, it is unclear whether the current wages will be maintained. It is also questionable whether it is a step towards artificially reducing unemployment, in which fields this idea is likely to manifest itself first, and so on. These questions need to be thoroughly discussed by the representatives of the Government of the Russian Federation, Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Russian Federation, trade unions, and the scientific community. It is necessary to conduct a sociological survey to determine and prevent concerns among citizens about the upcoming changes. That said, the authors believe that the idea itself is conceptually correct, but it still valid to doubt whether it can be successfully implemented at the time of capitalism, when entrepreneurs focus on profit and are not interested in reducing the working time of their employees. According to the authors, the plans of I.V. Stalin to reduce working time could faster come into fruition with the socialist economic model, which facilitated innovations in the machine tool industry that would boost GDP growth and significantly reduce production costs. Assessing the prospects of development of this idea at the present stage is difficult.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 38-40
Author(s):  
Ruslan M. Dzidzoev ◽  

The article discusses some issues of the formation of the Government of the Russian Federation, appointment of the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation and members of the Government of the Russian Federation, participation in the process of the head of state and Parliament in accordance with constitutional form of government in Russia, there is a relationship between the ways of forming a Government with the constitutional status of this body, its political potential. The article analyzes the latest amendments to the Constitution of Russia regarding the formation of the Government, and formulates relevant scientific and practical recommendations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-309
Author(s):  
I. I. Dedov ◽  
G. A. Frank ◽  
N. G. Mokrisheva ◽  
M. V. Shestakova ◽  
G. A. Melnichenko ◽  
...  

Coding of the causes of death of patients with diabetes mellitus (DM) in the Russian Federation is one of the long-discussed problems, due to the comorbidity of diabetes and cardiovascular diseases (CVD) and a number of contradictions in the key regulatory documents regulating the statistics of mortality in this category of patients, which acquires particular relevance in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, due to its negative impact on the outcomes of the course of COVID-19 and mortality risks. In pursuance of the decisions of the Minutes of the meeting of the working group under the project committee of the National Project «Health» on identifying patterns in the formation of mortality rates of the population dated January 20, 2021 No. 1, chaired by Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation T.A. Golikova, experts of two directions - endocrinology and pathological anatomy, prepared a Draft of agreed recommendations on the Rules for coding the causes of death of patients with diabetes, causing the greatest problems in terms of the use of ICD-10 when choosing the initial cause of death, including in the case of death from CVD and COVID-19.


2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 474-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric De Brabandere

On July 31, 2014, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rendered its final decision on a claim brought by the liquidated Russian company OAO Neftyanaya Kompaniya Yukos (Yukos) against the Russian Federation (Russia), a decision that is the last in a series of three decisions in this case relating respectively to the admissibility of the application, the merits, and just satisfaction.A couple weeks prior to the ECtHR’s decision, three arbitral tribunals established under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) and functioning under the UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules had issued their final awards based on claims brought by three former shareholders of Yukos under the Energy Charter Treaty. The dispute, while brought by the shareholders of Yukos, in essence is the same as the one brought by Yukos against Russia before the European Court of Human Rights.


2021 ◽  
pp. 352-359
Author(s):  
Yakov N. Smirnov ◽  

The chapter highlights the process of interaction between the Russian Federation and Montenegro, which was part of the FRY, from 1997 to 1999. During this period, Russia stepped up its policy in the Balkans, particularly in Yugoslavia. Montenegro became a stronghold for Moscow. The republic itself during this time was going through a period of domestic political instability, and by the end of 1997 a controversial figure came to power in the country, one of the representatives of the local political elite - former Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic. Russian ruling circles and big business provided him with serious political and financial support in exchange for future preferences during privatisation, as well as hoping to make Montenegro a more reliable partner than it had been under the president of the FRY, Slobodan Milosevic. For Djukanovic, such support played a significant role in building up his influence and authority within the country.


Author(s):  
Arthur V. Atanesyan

The actual issue of the Armenian-Russian relationship as mirrored through domestic power changes in Armenia after the «Velvet Revolution» in the spring of 2018, is raised and discussed in the paper through the event analysis as well as public perceptions. Despite the significantly increased level of negative perceptions and criticism from the broad strata of society, on June 20 of 2021, the same post-protest elites have been re-elected to the Armenian parliament and made up the majority. Accordingly, the political course of Armenia in the near future will remain unchanged, and its study, in particular, in the context of relations with the Russian Federation, is extremely relevant. We focus here on the role and image of the Armenian post-protest elites, including Armenian prime-minister N. Pashinyan, in maintaining/transforming the traditional Armenian-Russian strategic relations in the new conditions. Leaving aside the emotional component of the issue which has become a quite popular component of the public discourse in Armenian and Russian societies, the authors try to trace the reasons for the decline in trust in the Russian Federation as an ally in Armenian society before and after the «Velvet revolution» through the identification of deep, long-term factors and patterns. Besides, one of the main objectives of the study is to characterize the behavioral models and actions of Armenia’s post-protest elites associated with Armenian-Russian relations and creating an anti-Russian rather than the pro-Russian image of the post-protest elites in Armenia, including the image of prime minister Pashinyan. By identifying public perceptions in Armenia before and especially after the «Velvet Revolution» regarding the assessment of the effectiveness of Armenian-Russian relations and the role of post-protest elites in them, the authors, in particular, conclude that the perception of the positive image of the Russian Federation as an ally correlates with the negative image of Pashinyan and the factor of post-protest elites. On the other hand, the anti-Russian perceptions of a staidly widening group of the Armenian population are not always correlated with either positive or negative image or the factor of Pashinyan and have other, deeper roots.


2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Oversloot

AbstractIn the present article, it is assumed that V.V. Putin will not have the 1993 Constitution of the Russian Federation changed in order to help him arrange for a prolonged stay as President of Russia after his second term expires in 2008. It is also assumed that there will be no constitutional changes as to the power and the position of the prime-minister which would allow for an immediate 'return' of V.V. Putin in another capacity, namely as prime-minister, with much the same powers as he presently holds as President. The author expects that Putin will be true to his word in that he will maintain the 1993 Constitution (with the exception of minor change), that he will show to be—to use the Russian constitutional terminology—the garant of this Constitution.Nevertheless, within the framework of the 1993 Constitution, substantial changes have been made in the ordering of the Russian state, by federal law, by other means. The subordination of the subjects of the Russian Federation to the federal center, the 'emancipation' of state-politics from party politics, the 'emancipation' of democracy itself from party-politics, the penetration of societal organizations by state institutions (upravliaemaia demokratiia or suverennaia demokratiia), and the accompanying (state-) ideological changes, which have come about especially during Putin's second term, all add up to what is expected to be a lasting legacy. Putin has not changed the 1993 Constitution; he has given it its definite reading (interpretation) as it were.


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