The Mexican Intelligentsia, 1950––1968: Cosmopolitanism, National Identity, and the State

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Cohn
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Cultural Models ◽  
The State ◽  
Mexican Culture ◽  
Economic Strategies ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

This essay explores the positions of Mexico's intelligentsia on the nation's choice of cultural models during the 1950s and 1960s. It traces the consolidation of a hegemonic group of intellectuals who sought to establish a cosmopolitan definition of Mexican culture, and it studies the media and institutions that they used to disseminate their views. It also studies the relationship between the cosmopolitan intellectuals and the State. On the one hand, their internationalism dovetailed with Mexico's political and economic strategies after World War II; on the other, both their projects and their freedom of expression were sometimes supported and sometimes restricted by the State. Este artíículo estudia las posiciones tomadas por un grupo de intelectuales mexicanos respecto a los modelos culturales a seguir durante los 50 y 60. Se deslinda la consolidacióón de un grupo hegemóónico de intelectuales que abogaban por una visióón cosmopolita de la cultural nacional, y se estudian los medios y las instituciones por medio de los cuales se diseminaba esta visióón. Tambiéén se analiza la relacióón entre los intelectuales cosmopolitas y el Estado: por un lado, la orientacióón internacionalista de aquééllos reflejaba estrategias polííticas y econóómicas oficiales despuéés la segunda Guerra Mundial; por otro, los proyectos y la libertad de expresióón de la inteligencia a veces fueron apoyados y a veces restringidos por el aparato estatal.

The Media Rituals: The Relationship between Media and Religion

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Khojastea ◽  
Abdolhosein Kalantarib
Keyword(s):  
Philosophical Approach ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
Religious Media ◽  
Modern Media ◽  
Public Media ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract What is the relationship between religion and modern media? Are the media in essence anti-religion and a means to remove religion? Or are they a neutral means that can also be in the service of religion? Such questions fall under the category of the relationship between religion, modernization, and the nature of modernization, about which there can be found a rich literature in Iran. As far as the relationship between religion and modernization is concerned, two related approaches can be followed: 1) an historical-sociological approach and 2) a philosophical approach. Under the influence of either approach one would face a spectrum of opinions which, on the one hand, lead to “technological dogmatism” and, on the other, lead to “instrumentalization”. To decide which of these opinions to accept depends upon our historical situation (our destiny) and our definition of dichotomous sides (religion and media), as well as on our historical-sociological and philosophical reasoning in this matter. This article deals with these points. Since the national media attempts to act upon the implications expected by modern media within the framework of moral criteria and religious recommendation, then we will turn to this fundamental question: How can religious matters be addressed in the public media, so as to be able to involve a passive audience that is supposedly not the addressee of the message, and turn him or her into an active audience? In this regard, taken from the media experiences both in Iran and around the world, first the characteristics of “religious media” will be offered. Then a pattern for media rituals will be introduced and experimentally (as a case study) studied through some examples in Iranian society, and next the need for a more exact planning will be tapped. Finally the necessary conditions to develop such rituals in the national media will be dealt with.

The country at a standstill: Yugoslavia and Slovene politics in the 1930s

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Life ◽  
Repressive Regime ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.

Bastard Feudalism and the Framing of Thirteenth-Century England

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Coss
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Work ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.

Ex Meritis Praevisis: Predestination, Grace, and Free Will in intra-Jesuit Controversies (1587-1613)

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Eleonora Rai
Keyword(s):  
Free Will ◽  
Society Of Jesus ◽  
Modern Age ◽  
Sovereign Authority ◽  
Theological Debate ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
God’S Foreknowledge ◽  
Catholic Theological

AbstractThis article retraces the intra-Jesuit theological debates on the theology of salvation, including the relationship between the elements of predestination, God’s foreknowledge, Grace, and free will, in the delicate passage between the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, and within the debates on Augustine’s theological legacy. Specifically, it explores the Flemish Jesuit Leonard Lessius’ theology and the discussions raised by it within the Society of Jesus, in order to show how soteriology has been central in the process of self-definition of the Jesuit identity in the Early Modern Age. This is particularly clear from the internal debates developed between Lessius, on the one hand, and General Claudio Acquaviva and curial theologian Roberto Bellarmino, on the other hand. Not only does the article investigate little known aspects of intra-Catholic theological debate in the post Tridentine period, but it also shows how deep pastoral and moral concerns strongly contributed to the rise of Lessius’ open-minded theology of salvation, which seemed to deprive God’s sovereign authority in favour of humankind’s free will, and human agency in the process of salvation.

scholarly journals Sex Dolls in the Swedish Media Discourse: Intimacy, Sexuality, and Technology

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Björkas ◽  
Mariah Larsson
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Sexual Practices ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Therapeutic Uses ◽  
Broad Variety ◽  
The Media ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractSex dolls are a complex phenomenon with several diverse possible emotional, sexual and therapeutic uses. They can be part of a broad variety of sexual practices, and also function as a sexual aid. However, the media discourse on sex dolls first and foremost concerns how we perceive the relationship between intimacy and technology. A critical discourse analysis of the Swedish media discourse on sex dolls reveals six themes which dominate the discourse: (a) the definition of what a human being is; (b) a discourse on the (technological and existential) future; (c) a social effort; (d) a loveless phenomenon; (e) men’s violence against women; and (f) pedophilia. Accordingly, this discourse is very conservative and normative in its view of sexuality, technology, and humanity. Overall, the dominant themes do not provide any space for positive effects of technology on human sexuality, and if they do, it is usually as a substitute for something else.

More or More of the Same: Ownership Concentration and Media Diversity in Egypt

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110251
Author(s):  
Zahraa Badr
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
State Ownership ◽  
The State ◽  
Ownership Concentration ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
Media Diversity ◽  
Content Diversity ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship

The Egyptian media has witnessed various changes in the ownership spectrum after the 2011 revolution. To explore this evolution, and through the Habermasian lens, this study examined ownership concentration in the 2019 media sphere in Egypt by mapping media outlets and their owners. It also investigated the relationship between this concentration and content diversity in a sample of print outlets in the first quarter of 2019. Three patterns of ownership concentration in the Egyptian media were identified: concentrated state ownership, concentrated private ownership, and not concentrated private ownership. Based on these findings, I argue that the media sphere in Egypt is dominated by a few gatekeepers, mostly the state, that influence content diversity and jeopardize the democratic public sphere in postrevolution Egypt.

Die Macht der Bilder und Bilder der Macht: die sprachliche Konstruktion von Nationalismus und Konservatismus in der strategischen politischen Kommunikation von Vox España

2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert
Keyword(s):  
Language Use ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Multimodal Discourse ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.

The Political Theory of the Disruption

1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Secular Society ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
The Church

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?

Jainism in Danger? Temple entry and the rhetoric of religion and reform in post-colonial India

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
MANISHA SETHI
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Open The Doors ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract A bitter debate broke out in the Digambar Jain community in the middle of the twentieth century following the passage of the Bombay Harijan Temple Entry Act in 1947, which continued until well after the promulgation of the Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955. These laws included Jains in the definition of ‘Hindu’, and thus threw open the doors of Jain temples to formerly Untouchable castes. In the eyes of its Jain opponents, this was a frontal and terrible assault on the integrity and sanctity of the Jain dharma. Those who called themselves reformists, on the other hand, insisted on the closeness between Jainism and Hinduism. Temple entry laws and the public debates over caste became occasions for the Jains not only to examine their distance—or closeness—to Hinduism, but also the relationship between their community and the state, which came to be imagined as predominantly Hindu. This article, by focusing on the Jains and this forgotten episode, hopes to illuminate the civilizational categories underlying state practices and the fraught relationship between nationalism and minorities.

Beyond stateless democracy

2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
William J. Novak ◽  
Stephen W. Sawyer ◽  
James T. Sparrow
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
John Locke ◽  
The State ◽  
Direct Response ◽  
Classical Liberal ◽  
Liberal Conception ◽  
Neutral Site ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Pierre Bourdieu began his posthumously published lectures “On the State” by highlighting the three dominant traditions that have framed most thinking about the state in Western social science and modern social theory. On the one hand, he highlighted what he termed the “initial definition” of the state as a “neutral site” designed to regulate conflict and “serve the common good.” Bourdieu traced this essentially classical liberal conception of the state back to the pioneering political treatises of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.1 In direct response to this “optimistic functionalism,” Bourdieu noted the rise of a critical and more “pessimistic” alternative—something of a diametric opposite.

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