More or More of the Same: Ownership Concentration and Media Diversity in Egypt

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110251
Author(s):  
Zahraa Badr

The Egyptian media has witnessed various changes in the ownership spectrum after the 2011 revolution. To explore this evolution, and through the Habermasian lens, this study examined ownership concentration in the 2019 media sphere in Egypt by mapping media outlets and their owners. It also investigated the relationship between this concentration and content diversity in a sample of print outlets in the first quarter of 2019. Three patterns of ownership concentration in the Egyptian media were identified: concentrated state ownership, concentrated private ownership, and not concentrated private ownership. Based on these findings, I argue that the media sphere in Egypt is dominated by a few gatekeepers, mostly the state, that influence content diversity and jeopardize the democratic public sphere in postrevolution Egypt.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilson Ugangu

Kenya’s media landscape has greatly transformed since the reforms of the 1990s, resulting in increased private ownership of media. The relationship between the media, politics and the citizen has been the most affected by these transformations. Using examples from Kenya’s 2017 elections, this article attempts to show how this relationship has changed and the opportunities and challenges for modern political communication. This article argues that although new trends in political communication have resulted in complex and dynamic political campaigns, they have also resulted in the atomization and alienation of the citizen in the democratic enterprise. This analysis is made against the backdrop of the political economy of the media theoretical perspective and, to an extent, emerging literature on media and globalization and attendant forces on the Kenyan society in general.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (18) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Здравко Тодоровић ◽  
Матеа Златковић

Резиме: У стручној јавности се све чешће указује на проблеме пословне успјешности јавних предузећа са већинским државним власништвом. Иако се ради о предузећима која располажу значајним природним ресурсима и имају стратешки значај, у њиховом пословању су присутни врло мали приноси на капитал, па чак и губици. У овом раду се испитује пословна успјешност и ниво корпоративног управљања јавних предузећа Републике Српске (РС) са већинским државним власништвом која котирају на Бањалучкој берзи, а посебно предузећа Електропривреде РС. Мјерење пословне успјешности предузећа се врши на основу анализе финансијских извјештаја за посљедњих пет година, преко показатеља рентабилности и тржишних показатеља. Посебно се врши оцјењивање нивоа корпоративног управљања у предузећима Електропривреде РС, путем анкетног истраживања помоћу Scorecard упитника Бањалучке берзе. Циљ рада је указивање на низак ниво успјешности пословања посматраних предузећа у односу на инострана, као и на низак ниво корпоративног управљања у предузећима Електропривреде РС. Такође се жели указати на зависност између кориштених показатеља и нивоа корпоративног управљања, односно на неопходност промјене политике државе према управљању државним капиталом.Summary: The professional community is increasingly addressing the problems of business performance of public enterprises with majority state ownership. Although it is the companies that have significant natural resources and are of strategic importance, very low returns on equity, or even losses are present in their business. In this research paper we investigate business performance and the level of corporate governance of Republic of Srpska (RS) public companies with the majority state-owned listed on Banja Luka Stock Exchange, especially Elektroprivreda RS companies. Measuring the success of the business enterprise is based on the analysis of financial statements for the last five years, using indicators of profitability and market indicators. Particularly, we assess the level of corporate governance in companies Elektroprivreda RS, in survey research using Scorecard Banja Luka Stock Exchange questionnaires.The aim of the study is to indicate low levels of business performance of surveyed companies in relation to foreign as well as the low level of corporate governance in companies Elektroprivreda RS. It also signifies the relationship between the used indicators and the level of corporate governance and the need for changes in the state policy towards the management of the state capital.


Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Binyam Mekonnen ADERA

Ethiopia since 1991 G.C has been adopting democracy and federalism as constitutional frameworks of the state. The core objective to maintain the two political cultures is the presence of multiple cultural identities within the state and the actual need for an intersubjective discussion on the public sphere. And one of the major areas of public sphere is the social media. As per the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia citizens of Ethiopia have the democratic rights of Thoughts, Opinion and Expression (Art. 29), so in social media it is natural to expect that individuals talk on the different affairs of the state ‘freely’. Basically the social media is serving as an instrument in maintaining discursive talk among individuals. However, it has been also producing considerable social turmoil across the world. The same is what is encountering in Ethiopia today; on the one hand, social media as a communication platform allows people to communicate effectively with sharing alternative views, attitudes and forming democratic consensus on the social anomalies and responses, and on the other hand, the media is the sphere of communicative maladjustment where misunderstanding, extremism and miscommunication is producing. In the present Ethiopian context the basic source of communication and miscommunication in the social media is the ‘pluriversal identities’ of the cultural horizon. Taking this as a crucial object, this article will discuss the connection between democracy, federalism and social media in the current Ethiopia. On the top of this, the study aims at exploring the following issues: the social media sphere in Ethiopia, the modern and postmodern challenges of social media in Ethiopia and alternatives for the social media reconstruction.


Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? This book shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. The book examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded. It shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. It demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people. The book offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state–society relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 154
Author(s):  
Haroon ur Rashid Khan ◽  
Waqas Bin Khidmat ◽  
Osama Al Hares ◽  
Naeem Muhammad ◽  
Kashif Saleem

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of corporate governance quality and ownership structure on the relationship between the agency cost and firm performance. Both the fixed-effects model and a more robust dynamic panel generalized method of moment estimation are applied to Chinese A-listed firms for the years 2008 to 2016. The results show that the agency–performance relationship is positively moderated by (1) corporate governance quality, (2) ownership concentration, and (3) non-state ownership. State ownership has a negative effect on the agency–performance relationship. Various robust tests of an alternative measure of agency cost confirm our main conclusions. The analysis adds to the empirical literature on agency theory by providing useful insights into how corporate governance and ownership concentration can help mitigate agency–performance relationship. It also highlights the impact of ownership type on the relationship between agency cost and firm performance. Our study supports the literature that agency cost and firm performance are negatively related to the Chinese listed firms. The investors should keep in mind the proxies of agency cost while choosing a specific stock. Secondly; the abuse of managerial appropriation is higher in state-held firms as compared to non-state firms. Policymakers can use these results to devise the investor protection rules so that managerial appropriation can be minimized.


2020 ◽  
pp. 211-235
Author(s):  
Felipe A. Galvis Castro ◽  

This work examines the treatment that La Segunda and El Ciudadano newspapers and the Chilean executive and legislative powers gave to the relationship between the “Caso Bombas” and anarchist groups in this country from August 2010 to June 2012. The hypothesis proposes that the fact of highlighting this type of exercise of violence —related to the use of explosive devices to express criticism by non-organized groups— has produced a response from the State and the media that categorizes these groups as anarchists with terrorist orientations, thus denying their specificities. From the methodological perspective of Norman Fairclough’s critical analysis of the discourse, this study seeks to distinguish a criminalizing bias of certain social actors towards marginal groups.


2020 ◽  
pp. 237-274
Author(s):  
Francisca E. Beroiza Valenzuela ◽  

This work examines the treatment that La Segunda and El Ciudadano newspapers and the Chilean executive and legislative powers gave to the relationship between the “Caso Bombas” and anarchist groups in this country from August 2010 to June 2012. The hypothesis proposes that the fact of highlighting this type of exercise of violence —related to the use of explosive devices to express criticism by non-organized groups— has produced a response from the State and the media that categorizes these groups as anarchists with terrorist orientations, thus denying their specificities. From the methodological perspective of Norman Fairclough’s critical analysis of the discourse, this study seeks to distinguish a criminalizing bias of certain social actors towards marginal groups.


Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima ◽  
Caio Gonçalves Dias

Abstract In this article we argue that, in order to understand the “attack” made on anthropology in Brazil, undertaken in the public sphere since the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, we need to look at how anthropological knowledge has become disciplined and institutionalized in the medium to long term. We refer, in particular, to the relationship between what has been constituted as a “field of anthropology” and issues related to the public sphere. It is also necessary to consider the configuration with other institutionalized knowledge throughout the period spanning from the end of the nineteenth century to the present, with discontinuities but also with some important continuities. We look to show that the anthropology initially undertaken in Brazil was basically committed to furthering the interests of the agrarian-based political elites, a situation that continued from the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth century and into the first decades of the twenty-first, not only at the level of nation building, but also in the formation of the State. However, since the 1950s, and especially following creation of the new postgraduate courses in the late 1960s and early 1970s, anthropologists developed knowledge that led them to make an ethical and moral commitment to the communities with which they worked, combined with a critique of the military regime’s developmentalism and dictatorial authoritarianism. During a third moment ranging from the constituent process to the present, a portion of Brazilian anthropologists began to work directly in the recognition of rights constitutionally assigned to differentiated collectivities, generating a growing and progressive zone of friction with the hegemonic sectors at the economic-political level.


ECONOMICS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-17
Author(s):  
Oleg Roy

Abstract The article analyzes the interaction between business and government, the purpose of which is to identify the leading thematic blocks, where the most significant issues underlying this interaction are concentrated. Highlighting two meanings in the practice of interaction between business and the state, in one of which the state merges with business, and in the other - disagrees with it on key issues, the author proposes to use the theory of stakeholders of I. M. Jawahar and G. L. McLaughlin. The use of this theory allows to identify several types of interaction, including six main functions: facilitating, stimulating, control, sanctions, arbitration and regulatory. The content of these functions is concentrated in the list of basic activities of authorities in the field of regulation of business processes. For the purpose of complex and systematic consideration of these functions, the article proposes a 3D model of interaction between government and business. On the basis of this model the author carries out the content analysis of materials of the leading among businessmen of the Omsk region newspaper “Commercial news” on the basis of which the leading thematic blocks of interaction of the power and business updated by various types of lighting are allocated (analytical article, interview, reportage, a note). The important role of the media in assessing and structuring the relationship between public authorities and business structures determines the usefulness content analysis and the choice of the object of the study. The study highlighted a number of leading thematic blocks of interaction, updated on the pages of the weekly in the period from 2018 to mid-2019. Based on the study, the author identified and ranked thematic blocks considered in the context of his proposed 3D- model, formulated the most characteristic problems of interaction between business and government at the present stage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Taha Abdel Aal Taha Mohamed

This study aimed at addressing the relationship between religion and state, by reviewing the evolution of that relationship in the western vision, beginning with the dominance of the Church in the medieval period, and the emergence of the theocratic state, then ideas of secularism, and the conflict between religion and state in the Frame of ideology, Then reviewing a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism and the emergence of religious presence in the public sphere. On the other hand, the study dealt with the relationship between religion and state in the Islamic vision in its Asian Models. Where the study dealt with the model of the "Madina State" during the era of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), which is the Islamic model that spread in the Asian Peninsula, which was the basis of Sunni Islamic thought later. The study also dealt with the "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which forms the basis of Shiite thought in Iran. The study relied on the descriptive approach that deals with the analysis and description of the phenomenon. This approach was used in this study to trace the development of the relationship between religion and state in the western vision and Islamic vision in its Asian models. The study concluded with some results. The most important of these was that: the Western vision to a certain extent passed with integration between religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Theocratic State" in the Medieval Period, where the church dominated all the political and social affairs of the state. The Western vision also to a certain extent passed with separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of "secularism", where modernity was linked to the non-involvement of religion in politics, The Western vision also passed with the emergence of a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism, as reflected in the model of "religious presence in the public sphere. Finally, the Islamic vision with its Asian Models witnessed the difficulty of full integration or separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Madina State" during the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), and its thought which is followed by Sunni Islamic thought. And the Shiite "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which was the origin of a religious mandate for political power, although it differs from the "Theocratic State" model completely.


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