Social and Political Processes of State and Society

Author(s):  
Himanshu Jha

This Chapter examines the processes around state and society, traces the role of social networks outside the state realm, and conceptualizes these processes as the complementarity of state and society, where strong ideational linkages led to the formation of an ‘epistemic network’. These processes played a significant role in the final phase of the enactment of the Right to Information Act. The period covered in this chapter coincides with the latter half of the second phase. This chapter establishes that mainstream politics converged with the emerging socio-political processes led by the elite within the social movement, judiciary, the press, bureaucracy, and the academia. This convergence needs to be viewed as one of state–society synergy, where the collective ‘epistemic push’ of actors from both within the state and society ‘tips over’ the institution from ‘secrecy’ to ‘openness’.

Transfers ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gopa Samanta ◽  
Sumita Roy

This article examines the marginal mobilities of hand-pulled rickshaws and rickshaw-pullers in Kolkata, India. It traces the politics of rickshaw mobilities, showing how debates about modernity and the informal economy frequently overshadow the experience of the marginalized community of hand-rickshaw pullers. It shows how the hand-pulled rickshaw rarely becomes the focus of research or debate because of its marginal status—technologically (being more primitive than the cycle rickshaw); geographically (operating only in Kolkata city); and in terms of the social status of the operators (the majority being Bihari migrants in Kolkata). Drawing upon both quantitative and qualitative research, this study focuses on the backgrounds of the rickshaw-pullers, their strategies for earning livelihoods, the role of social networks in their life and work, and their perceptions of the profession—including their views of the state government's policy of seeking to abolish hand-pulled rickshaws. The article concludes by addressing the question of subalternity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 70-82
Author(s):  
Jolita Linkevičiūtė-Rimavičienė

Straipsnio tikslas – nagrinėti specifinį spaudos vaidmenį viename iš visuomenės raidos etapų: kuriantis naujai socialinei struktūrai, pilietinei bendruomenei ir jai aktyviai dalyvaujant pirmoje viešosios srities raidos pakopoje. Lietuvoje, kaip ir kitose posovietinėse šalyse, kuriose totalitarinės ideologijos dominavimas deformavo tiesos ir identiteto sampratas, keičiantis visuomeninei struktūrai, psichologinio saugumo poreikis ir lūkesčiai, kuriant geresnę ateitį, buvo susiję su spauda, tuo laikotarpiu atlikusia kompensuojamąją funkciją. Įvykiai Rytų Europoje, buvusioje Sovietų sąjungoje iki 1990-ųjų skatino ginkluotus konfliktus. „Dainuojanti revoliucija“ Baltijos valstybėse tyrėjų vertinama politinės raidos modelio aspektu. „Nacionalizmas be žiaurumo“ suvokiamas kaip fenomenas, sąlygotas baltų istorinio ir kultūrinio paveldo, palyginti su agresyviu serbų, kroatų, kaukaziečių nacionalizmu, pasireiškusiu išsivaduojant iš sovietinio „tautų kapinyno“.Neginkluotą nacionalinį pasipriešinimo judėjimą ir skirtingų visuomenės grupių Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje dialogą organizavo ir rėmė laisvėjanti spauda. Visuomenės informavimo priemonių, kaip įtakingos socialinės jėgos, analizė; spaudos, mobilizuojančios, koordinuojančios ir drąsinančios žmones atvirai reikšti savo nuomonę, vaidmens identifikavimas bus naudingas tolesnei tyrimų, nagrinėjančių Lietuvos atgimimo spaudą ir jos raidos etapus 1988–1991 metais, eigai. Visuomenės teisė gauti informaciją yra politinė, spaudos sąsajų su pilietine visuomene kontekstualizavimas svarbus kaip teorinis pagrindas, tiriant medijų funkcijas bei uždavinius demokratėjant visuomenei ir palankios piliečių sąmoningumui vystytis kuriant aplinką. Ši tema nėra tirta, XX a. devintojo dešimtmečio Lietuvos žiniasklaida apžvelgiama tik istoriografinės analizės aspektu, nepakanka dėmesio laisvėjančiam žiniasklaidos diskursui ir jo įtakai vertybių kaitos požiūriu.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: visuomeniniai pokyčiai, spaudos vaidmuo, spaudos laisvė, žurnalistinė atsakomybė, viešoji erdvė, piliečiai.Media, change and civil societyJolita Linkevičiūtė-Rimavičienė SummaryThe purpose of the article is to attract attention to the role of press and its meaning in the context of civil society in one of the developmental stages of democracy. After the social structure had changed in Lithuania, as in other post soviet countries where the totalitarian ideology deformed the concepts of truth and identity, the need and expectations of psychological security to create a better future were directly related to the press.On the grounds of political philosophy, the imperative of public space as an imperative of a basic democracy institution which appears when the members of community create and support it, is analyzed. Analyzing the way in which the press as one of the governmental blocks participates in the maintenance of public space because of itself and represents the citizens, shows the level of public discussion quality and community information. The right of society to receive information is political since the awareness guarantees the realization of universal freedom; the purification of press links with civil society is important as a theoretical basis when examining the role of media in the periods of societal changes.


Author(s):  
Fatemeh Dehghan Khangahi ◽  
Farzad Kiani

Today, the outbreak of the coronavirus has become a major global crisis and has affected many countries. One of the consequences of the spread of this virus is the creation of social panic and rapid changes in people's lifestyles, which the social networks are noticing. The impact of social media, which plays an effective role even in people's lifestyles, is being examined in the Covid-19 Pandemic. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of social networks in lifestyle changes in the coronavirus pandemic period. The present research is quantitative in terms of approach and in terms of type and nature, it is a descriptive survey. The data collection tool was assumed to be the Twitter social network. A total of 100.000 cases have been investigated based on the support vector machine (SVM) method and its results have been compared with decision tree and naive Bayes methods. Data processing is done using Python software. The trained model of SVM has a success rate on accuracy as near to 97% and also has 92% in the F1 score. The results show that social networks have about a 30% effect on lifestyle changes and stress during the pandemic periods. In order to form logical and desirable behaviors instead of dramatic behaviors such as fear and social stress in the use of social networks, social agents have their priority in organizing information and knowledge and informing the target community about the constructive and harmful cases of these networks and place different social roles and activities in society. Accordingly, providing the right news and information through trusted and responsible channels and platforms can play an important role in the proper management of society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Sukhanov

The article deals with the contributions of servants and clerks of Western Siberia in the second half of the XVII early XVIII centuries based on the materials of two contribution books of the Dalmatov Assumption Monastery. These books were described and preserved by V.P. Biryukov and introduced into scientific circulation by I.L. Mankova. The purpose of the article is to analyze the contributions of service corporations, as well as to determine their number among the population of the region. Based on the analysis, the table lists the main categories of the military and military population of the region and their families. A total of 126 entries were recorded, out of more than 1300 contributors. The article traces the fate of the noble and non-noble representatives of these social groups and their role in the development of Western Siberia. The article also examines the military and political processes that took place in the Moscow state and were reflected in the contributions of this population group. The article deals with the service of the boyar children in Siberia, the dragoon reform of the Tobolsk voivode P. I. Godunov, the role of the Slobodchiks and the White Local Cossacks in consolidating the region as part of the state. In addition to these categories, among the contributions of service people are mentioned collars, gyrfalcon pomykalschiki, coachmen, blacksmiths and others. The article also shows the social changes that took place within the service population of the region.


Author(s):  
Himanshu Jha

This chapter draws upon the evidence presented in the book and provides four broad conceptual points. First, it argues that the institutional change is a result of an incremental, slow-moving process of ‘ideas’ emerging endogenously from within the state resulting in a ‘tipping point’. Second, it points towards the role of ideas within the state. Third, it shows the complementarity of the State and society and stresses on the significance of an epistemic network. Fourth, the influence of global norms is acknowledged but needs to be seen in conjunction with the endogenous socio-political processes at the domestic level. These arguments tie the chapters together conceptually and provide a roadmap for future research on the subject.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Davis ◽  
Joe Straubhaar

When examining the decline of the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores and the ascension of the right-wing extremist Jair Bolsanaro of the far-right Partido Liberal Social to the 2018 presidency, political scientists David Samuels and Cesar Zucco have argued that this shift is best understood not through positive characteristics of Bolsonaro’s candidacy but through antipetismo [‘anti-PT-ism’], an intensely personal resentment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. We assert that popular right-wing Facebook groups and networks formed around the communication network WhatsApp-fueled antipetismo by channeling anger originating in the 2013 nationwide protests away from a variety of social, political, and issues and toward a villainous depiction of Partido dos Trabalhadores leaders and valorization of anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores activists like Bolsanaro, as well as some focus on his own conservative, nationalist agenda. To interrogate this assertion, we propose two specific lines of research. The first is a qualitative textual analysis of the social media accounts of two of the most active anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores groups: Vem Pra Rua and O Movimento Brasil Livre. Through close reading of the materials distributed on these sites, we will illustrate how they channeled general unrest into a specifically partisan attack. The next line of research and case will be an examination of the role of mainstream news networks (namely TV Record) and WhatsApp by those campaigning for recently elected president Bolsonaro for a continued negative campaign against left candidates, specifically the Partido dos Trabalhadores, using fake news items like the supposed ‘gay kit’ that was being circulated in schools by the Partido dos Trabalhadores and others on the left to persuade children to become gay. When possible, we will analyze examples of the materials that were circulated that have emerged in the press coverage and will examine the processes that were used to target and persuade people to forward the materials created for the campaign.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ismael Mohammadpour

<p>The Egyptian Revolution of 2011, in fact was the result of crises in the Egyptian society; such as increasing social inequality and corruption and Mubarak’s efforts to inherit the presidency. These crises by the help of the media –from the press to the social networks- provided the grounds for shaping anti-Mubarak social movements and eventually led to fall him. In this regard, one of the most considerable point, was the salient role of the press and the print media in the process of the revolution. Traditionally, there have been three types of journalism system in Egypt: the state-owned, independent and partisan (party-run) press. In this context, the researcher has tried to answer this question: how was the role and position of each type of these press systems in Egypt in the process of the revolution -especially since January 25th until February 11, the day that Mubarak resigned-, and how effective were these roles and positions on the Egyptian Revolution of 2011?<strong></strong></p><p>In this regard, in addition to detailed introduction of the newspapers of each press, the emphasis is to observe their views and positions accurately and portray the main discrepancies between the state-owned press with the independent and partisan papers.</p>As the findings of the research show, it seems in the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, the relative freedom of these traditional media in expressing their own views with the growth of the middle class, enabled Egypt to pass the Mubarak's thirty-year dictatorship by mobilizing their demands and forming powerful social movements.


Author(s):  
Gulnoza Ismailova ◽  

This article is devoted to the issues of the role of Mahalla in the development of society, strengthening the place and role of self-government bodies of citizens in political processes, turning them into a local structure that provides real support and assistance to the people, expanding the direct participation of self-governing institution in ensuring public order and security. Moreover, the author analyzed the features and results of new reforms in Uzbekistan carried out in the economic, social, political spheres to increase the role of self-government bodies. In addition, the scientific work presents some proposals for enhancing the socio-political activity of Mahalla, strengthening their role in managing the state and society.


Knygotyra ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 218-258
Author(s):  
Arida Riaubienė

In the years 1918 through 1940, the public opinion of the society was formed not only by the local press, but also by the publications in foreign languages, which reached Lithuania. Therefore, in order to ensure the se­curity of the state and society, the publications – not only local, but also those published abroad, and also imported in Lithuania – were censored in Lithuania in the interwar period. During the discussed period, the censorship of foreign publications was aimed to protect the country from publications that propagated anti-state ideas and instigated national discord. Institutions for the supervision and control of the press watched that content disagreeing with the moral values of the time and various publications by religious sects would not get into Lithuania. Already in the year 1919, the Law on Press established that the Minister of the Interior had the right to prohibit the import and distribution of publications in Lithuania, contrary to the establishment of the inde­pendent state of Lithuania. The censorship of foreign publications was performed by the Units of the Citizen Protection Department of the Ministry of the Interior, the names of which changed. After the year 1923, the censorship of foreign publications was related to the stages of development of the security service in the Ministry of the Interior. The books published and printed abroad were inspected at the customs posts near the state border of Lithuania. The customs officers inspected the publications in the presence of the railway police. When performing the censorship of foreign publications, an important position was taken by the border police, especially that which protected the wall with Germany, through which many smuggled goods were carried. The censorship of foreign publications intensified in the year 1933, after the establishment of the State Security Department. The activities of this institution are illustrated by the records about the detention of books in post offices, made by the officers of the Press Unit of this Department, the private persons’ requests to issue the permits for taking the publications from the post office, the permits to subscribe to the books or to import them by applying preventive censorship, and the other documents in the Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania. Lists of prohibited books also illustrate the foreign censorship activities. One of the earliest lists is a list of pu­blications prohibited for import and distribution in Lithuania, compiled since 1926. Sixteen lists of still nowhere announced foreign publications and books prohibited by censorship to be distributed are provided in the Appendix to the Article.


1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asa Cristina Laurell

In this article, the author analyzes the struggle for workers' health in Mexico, emphasizing the importance of the general and specific political context. In an overview of the legislation on industrial health and safety, the state institutions involved in the issue, and the characteristics of union organization in Mexico, the author shows that the limited activities related to workers' health have more to do with the relative political weakness of the Mexican working class than with the formal structures of legislation, state institutions, and unions. The second part of the article deals with the four most important struggles for health and safety in Mexico during the last ten years, which show some similarities. These struggles are consistently linked to processes of union democratization and tend to decline when union democracy is lost. The strategies of the companies show a common pattern: removing health issues from collective bargaining and putting them in the hands of state institutions. When workers have opposed this solution, management has used selective repression to solve the conflict. The state institutions subordinate their position to the companies' by postponing action or by doing a technically poor job. Changing the existing situation involves the social legitimation of the workers' health issue, since this would have an impact on the political processes involved, i.e., corporate control over workers, authoritarian labor relations and professionalism, and resources of the state institutions.


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