scholarly journals Studi Kenabian Muhammad Perspektif Michael Cook

Refleksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamad Baihaqi Alkawy
Keyword(s):  

Muhammad’s prophetic studies have been carried out through various approaches, Michael Cook chose a revisionist approach to seek to explore the history of prophecy through written evidence. In his view, Muhammad’s biography must be examined in more detail based on the evidence obtained to uncover the mystical veils in history. Cook’s criticism of the biographers of Muhammad, made him have to work hard to look at and re-examine the texts of the Quran more closely. This Article will explain the result of Cook’s studies about Muhammad’s success in shifting polytheism to monotheism. In addition, it shows the success of Muhammad as a political actor.

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-35
Author(s):  
David C. Flatto

AbstractMany legal systems have foundational stories about their provenance, serving to heighten the stature and authority of the normative order. Yet, these primary myths are often complicated by secondary ones that describe later climactic moments. A prevalent plot of this latter kind involves a defiant political actor who contests the jurisdiction of the courts and relates the legal order's response to this daunting challenge. The crucible of struggle forges a formidable legal institution that can withstand assault or a weaker one that limply survives.Such stories captivate the collective legal imagination of a paideic community, a process first analyzed by the late Robert Cover. Hence they are preserved, told, and retold. However, the morals of secondary stories are more variable. Precisely because they examine moments of disturbance and conflict their implications are frequently in dispute. Thus, the very act of narration aims to amplify core truths implicit in these tales and announce their essential lessons.The narrative history of the epic “trial of the Judean king” among Jews in antiquity and late antiquity affords a striking instance of this phenomenon. Making a lasting impression on the Jewish legal imagination of this period, the trial's impact and perpetual legacy are nevertheless highly contested. While the enduring lesson of the trial revolves around the relationship between law and power, what that legacy is depends entirely on the way the tale of the trial is told and, perhaps more importantly, retold.


2020 ◽  
pp. 30-33
Author(s):  
B. Мороз ◽  
Д. Щепова

The scientific and social and political views of Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Yakunin Victor Kuzmich are considered. Emphasis is placed on his principled position in attitude to the «truth of history», the honesty and decency of scientific research. In the article shows that the main focus of his work was the fight against chauvinism and refined nationalism.The content and essence of universal categories «patriotic», «national» and «nationalistic» are revealed. Based on primary sources comprehends the contribution of historians of the Soviet period and Ukrainian scholars of the post-Soviet times to the study of the history of the OUN and the UIM. The analysis of socio-political phenomena and socio-cultural phenomena of patriotism and nationalism in their historical development is given.His scientific works «History, Ideology, Politics», «The CPSU collapse», «Patriotism and Nationalism: Experience and Lessons in History», «OUN Ideology: History and Modernity» and others testify to the author’s principle, thoroughness and talent. His language, manner of describing various historical events and factors is almost unmatched. His scientific works are easy to read and admire. V. K. Yakunin in his scientific works analyzes the views of historians who disagree with him and have opposite visions of the «truth of history». He agrees with some points of criticism of the author, but by principles he gives his arguments and evidence. This is the truth and power of the Ukrainian scientist since the restructuring and reform of public relations in Ukraine. The article draws attention to the poor health of the professor, that he underwent heart surgery. Emphasis is placed on the support of V.K. Yakunin by colleagues and associates.


Author(s):  
N. Pavlov

In terms of Germany's foreign policy the concept of “chancellor democracy” begins to lose its validity. Nonetheless, the head of the government remains, as before, the leading political actor. In accordance with their own styles and characters each of the chancellors left their mark in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. Many German political scientists and historians are right to understand the “chancellor democracy” as historical concentration of power in the Federal chancellery to the detriment of ministerial principle. Indeed, in all turning points of German history the most important decisions had been taken by the Federal chancellery and by the Chancellor alone.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-45
Author(s):  
Mikhail Krasnov

The article critically analyses the concept of “guarantor of the constitution”. Briefly describing the history of the emergence of the concept, the author argues that it was originally understood too narrowly – only as a function of ensuring the stable functioning of the state apparatus. This is also how it is understood today. Meanwhile, even if the state apparatus is formally operating legally, this does not always mean that its operation is consistent with constitutional principles and values. The constitution is not simply an act of supreme legal force. It is imbued with constitutionalism, which boils down to the idea and practice of limiting power for the sake of the value of human dignity. In its turn, constitutionalism is secured by a number of principles and values, including pluralism. However, constitutionalism can also suffer from pluralism. The article speaks of two threats on this side: first, large-scale inter-party conflicts (both direct and “disguised” as conflicts between state bodies) and, second, the possibility of a political force aligned against constitutionalism gaining state power. Consequently, guaranteeing the constitution consists not only of ensuring the normal functioning of the institutions of public power, but also of protecting and defending the constitutional principles and values, which together represent constitutionalism. However, practice shows that presidents either neglect this “second part” or use the appeal to constitutional values to strengthen their own power. In the author’s view, this is due to the fallacy of the very model of a mixed (semi-presidential) republic, within which the concept of “guarantor of the constitution” emerged. The institution of the president in this model is positioned by doctrine as politically neutral and therefore above all branches of power. However, the neutrality of the president of a mixed republic is illusory, for he is a more or less active political actor and therefore incapable of fulfilling the role of guarantor of the constitution. The false presumption of presidential neutrality not only makes the institution of the guarantor ineffective, but also contributes to the authoritarian trend of the president.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 455-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Smith

In exploring the history of the Russian minority in Estonia during 1918–1940, one is inevitably drawn to the figure of Professor Mikhail Anatolevich Kurchinskii (1876–1939). An academic and journalist, Kurchinskii was also an important political actor devoted to the quest for a satisfactory resolution of the nationality question in Estonia and Europe. It is with good reason that Kurchinskii has been called “the most important theoretician and practical advocate of cultural autonomy amongst the [interwar] Russian minority in Estonia.” From 1927 he also served as a leading member of the Congress of European Minorities (CEM), which became the main promoter of the cultural autonomy concept on the wider European stage. During the same period he took a deep interest in the work of the Pan-Europe movement and the quest for a durable settlement of European affairs following the traumas of World War I. Until very recently, however, Kurchinskii has remained a neglected figure among historians, even within the narrow field of Baltic studies. This neglect is symptomatic of the lack of attention devoted to the political history of the Russian minority more generally. As the first group to implement Estonia's celebrated 1925 law on cultural autonomy, the interwar German minority has already formed the object of a number of studies. By contrast, Kurchinskii's failure to realize the autonomy project means that he—and, indeed, the Russian minority as a whole—barely receives a mention in most histories of Estonia. Just as Kurchinskii's aspirations regarding cultural autonomy were never realized during his lifetime, so his vision of building a “New Europe” faded against the background of economic depression and a retreat into inward-looking national particularism during the 1930s. The tragic fate that befell central and eastern Europe after 1939 has in turn tended to obscure many of the ideas and positive achievements of the interwar minorities movement. This article uses Kurchinskii's career to illuminate issues relating to the sociopolitical development of the Russian minority between the wars. In particular it compares Kurchinskii's thinking on minority issues with that of his rival Aleksei Janson (1866–1940), a socialist politician and pedagogical expert who served as Russian National Secretary in the Estonian Ministry of Education from 1922 to 1927. Finally, by linking Kurchinskii's quest for cultural autonomy to his broader thinking on the “New Europe,” the article assesses the relevance of these ideas to contemporary debates on the nationality question.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angelia R. Wilson

This paper considers how 'preaching prejudice' builds a constituency of like-minds by marginalizing others-on grounds of race and sexuality, for example-and then instructs this constituency regarding political behavior. This discussion is part of a larger project on the construction of social values for political gain but here I specifically draw attention to the historical racism marking much of Protestant messaging in the American South and to how this racism became the foundation for the Republican Southern Strategy from the 1970s onwards. In doing so, I take as a case study the well documented racism associated with the history of the Southern Baptist Convention. The SBC historical narrative exemplifies the racism which underpinned the Southern Strategy. This is interesting because the SBC continues to be a key political actor among social conservatives in the South. This historical narrative indicates how 'preaching prejudice' became a political tool fueling the racism of Nixon's campaign and seasoning subsequent campaigns. The paper then suggests that the most recent innovation of this familiar, well honed political tool can be located in contemporary discourse on same-sex marriage.


Author(s):  
Philip J. Stern

This chapter offers an analysis of the history of the English East India Company in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, especially in light of its value for understanding the modern corporation. Considering the various ways in which the Company has been of interest to business and economic historians, this chapter considers instead the implications of its history on understanding the nature of the modern multinational as a global political actor and thus the ways in which both domestic and international law must engage with the problem of the political subjectivity, jurisdictional scope, and sovereign ambitions of non-state, especially corporate, actors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Andrej Školkay

In February 2018, Slovakia’s long history of the absence of journalist murder cases ended, when a young investigative journalist, Jan Kuciak, and his fiancee were murdered in their home. While previous cases of the disappearance of journalists cannot be totally dissociated from the possibilities of murder, a lack of evidence qualified this case as the first. The cascade of events which followed further emphasise its importance. Prime Minister Robert Fico was forced to resign. Resignations of the Minister of Culture, almost immediately, and two Ministers of the Interior followed. Subsequently, the third nominee for the position of Minister of the Interior was not approved by the President. These events were largely influenced by the media and public protests on the streets — some demonstrations were larger than those conducted during anti-communist protests in late 1989. Consequently, the role of the media as the key political actor following the murder of the journalist, represents an ideal model for analysing the influence of media in political and societal change. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCOS OLIVEIRA AMORIM TOLENTINO

A trajetória do movimento argentino pelos direitos humanos é considerada uma das mais exitosas, tanto pelo reconhecimento público internacional, quanto pela adoção de algumas das suas demandas pelo Estado argentino. Porém, tal reconhecimento não significou uma atenção a este importante ator polá­tico por parte da recente produção acerca das memórias e da história da mais recente ditadura civil - militar (1976-1983). Consequentemente, podemos perceber a consolidação de uma memória do movimento argentino pelos direitos humanos que oblitera os conflitos surgidos no interior do mesmo, relativos tanto á  diversidade do perfil de seus participantes, quanto á s caracterá­sticas que compõem cada organismo. Pensando nisso, buscaremos questionar o silêncio acerca da participação dos sobreviventes dos centros clandestinos de detenção na memória do movimento, e o porquê de tais figuras serem uma das principais polêmicas que perpassam a sua história.Palavras-chave: Argentina. Moviment. Direitos Humanos;.  Sobreviventes.  MEMORY, TRUTH AND JUSTICE: assumptions for an argentenean human rights movement (1976-2004)Abstract: The Argentinian human rights movement is considered one of the most successful, either by public international recognition, and by the adoption of some of their demands by the Argentinian state. However, such recognition did not meant attention to this important political actor from the latest production about the memories and history of the most recent civilian-military dictatorship (1976-1983). Consequently, we can see the consolidation of a memory of the Argentinian human rights movement that obliterates the conflicts that arise within it, on both the profile diversity of its participants, as to the characteristics that make each organism. Thinking about it, we try to question the silence about the participation of survivors of clandestine detention centers in the memory of the movement, and why such figures are one of the major controversies that remain on its story.Keywords: Argentine.Human Right. Movement. Survivors.  MEMORIA, VERDAD Y JUSTICIA: registros para una historia del movimiento argentino por los derechos humanos (1976-2004)Resumen: La trayectoria del movimiento argentino por los derechos humanos es considerada una de las más exitosas, tanto por el reconocimiento público internacional cuanto por la aceptación de algunas de sus demandas por el Estado argentino. Sin embargo, tal reconocimiento no significó una atención a este importante actor polá­tico por parte de la reciente producción referente a las memorias y de la historia de la más reciente dictadura civil militar (1976-1983). Consecuentemente, percibimos la consolidación de una memoria del movimiento argentino por los derechos humanos que obtuvo los conflictos surgidos en el interior del  ello, relativos tanto a la diversidad del perfil de sus participantes cuanto a las caracterá­sticas que componen cada organismo. De ese modo, buscaremos cuestionar el silencio sobre la participación de los sobrevivientes de los centros clandestinos de detención en la memoria del movimiento, y el porqué de ser tales figuras una de las principales polémicas que señalan su historia.Palabras clave: Argentina. Movimiento. Derechos Humanos. Sobrevivientes.  


Author(s):  
Isa Blumi

The migratory, labor, cultural and administrative history of the both North and South Yemen has been neglected. By exploring through Cold War era documents just how invested various internal actors were in transforming Southern Arabia’s relations with the larger world it is possible to add another angle of interpretation to the larger book’s project. It is argued that by leveraging competing external interests, a new set of operatives within Yemen’s political classes emerge. Looking closely at the manner in which the British global empire provided an interactive context for Yemenis, it is possible to highlight the global threads linking indigenous politics with the larger world. Be they Marxist inspired guerrillas whose use of violence help expel Britain from South Yemen in the late 1960s, the early advocates for a retrenchment of Salafist orthodoxy (with deep links to Saudi Arabia), or those merchant families long servicing the trade networks linking Southeast Asia, East Africa with the Middle East, Yemen’s new generation of political actor receives close inspection throughout this chapter.


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