scholarly journals «Dobrudzhan Catastrophy» as a reflection of Russian-Romanian military-political relations in summer–autumn period of 1916.

2018 ◽  
pp. 87-101
Author(s):  
V. Soloviov
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The South ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
First World

Romania’s entry into the First World War was considered by Russian military-political leadership primarily from the point of view of its own military interests, without taking into account possible negative consequences and prospects of Russian-Romanian military cooperation. According to General Headquarters' estimations, Romanian army attacks in Transylvania, together with Thessaloniki Allied army actions, were to restrain considerable enemy forces and thus ensured the success of Russian army attacks. At the same time, in spite of the fiercest battles on the SWF, the enemy succeeded in forming two new armies in Transylvania by creating a qualitative and quantitative advantage against the 1st and the 2nd Romanian armies operating at this region. When in mid-September of 1916 the need for direct military assistance to Romanian army became obvious for General Alekseyev, who was the immediate Russian army commander, he did not have enough will to insist on his decision. Thus, the South-Western Front attack, which had lost its military significance by that time, was continued. As a result, the plan of military aid to Romania, embodied by General Headquarters, was essentially defensive, and included only indirect assistance, in the form of limited 9th Russian Army attacks from Northern Moldova, and a slight strengthening of the Dobrudzhan army. In addition to this, the incorrect assessment of the situation, both by Russian and Romanian military forces, was obvious. A long pause in enemy's activity in the south, caused by waiting for reinforcements, and enemy's activity in the north, instilled confidence that the main attack would come from there. As a result, all Romanian reserves from the South were transferred to the North, while the enemy struck in the South in Dobrudzh. When Russian General Headquarters realized the consequences of Chernovody-Constanza railway loss, it simply could not transfer Russian military reserves in time. Thus, the lack of coherence between Russian and Romanian sides and their allies, the pursuit of each side's selfish interests led to the loss of military initiative by the allies in Romania, which was completely transferred to the enemy.

Blazing the Trail

1966 ◽  
Vol 70 (661) ◽  
pp. 268-269
Author(s):  
Alan Cobham
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
First World War ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
World War ◽  
Design Point ◽  
The North ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
First World

At the end of the First World War, from a design point of view, aviation seemed to slow down compared with the tempo of progress during the war years. From the practical flying angle, there were brave efforts by a few to create flying records, such as the first crossing of the North Atlantic by air. Hawker and Grieve took off from Newfoundland and accomplished a remarkable feat of landing in mid-Atlantic and being picked up by a steamer. Alcock and Brown, in a war-time Vickers Vimy made a successful crossing, but unfortunately ended up in a bog in Northern Ireland.

The Russian Revolution and the Rumanian Socialist Movement,1917-1918

Slavic Review ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Hitchins
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
World War ◽  
The Carpathians ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World

The collapse of the Russian monarchy in February and the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917 confronted Rumanian leaders with the prospect of a violent change in their own country. Rumania’s participation in the First World War on the side of the Entente had by February 1917 resulted in a succession of military defeats and the occupation of two-thirds of the country, including Bucharest, by German and Austro-Hungarian forces. The court and most of the leading politicians had taken refuge in Iasi, the chief city of Moldavia, located only a few miles from the Russian border. A Russian army of about a million men and a reorganized Rumanian field army of some eighteen divisions manned a newly stabilized front which stretched from Bukovina in the north along the eastern slopes of the Carpathians to southern Moldavia

Fighting For Ireland: The Creation of Northern and Southern Irish National Identity during the First World War

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan McClure
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
Cultural Divide ◽  
The North ◽  
The First World War ◽  
British Colony ◽  
The Creation ◽  
First World

The decade of 1912-1923 in Ireland was a period of transition, change, and bloodshed. By the end of the period Ireland had gone from a British colony to two separate nations, the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. While the actions of radical ultra-nationalists and unionists insured this physical partition of Ireland, the psychological and cultural divide that dominates Irish society was also created during this period. The divide between north and south was created by the epic struggle of the First World War. Both northern and southern Irish attempted to use the war to reinforce their position in the new Ireland that was to be created at the war's conclusion. The results were drastically different for both sides as the south was driven into the arms of the ultranationalists and the north into the radical unionists. By looking at public monuments, widespread stereotypes and cultural works, the separation between northern and southern Ireland becomes obvious as each side interpreted the war on opposite ends of the spectrum. The south, with its republican-nationalist leaders choosing to ignore the war and the soldiers contributions to the creation of the new Irish state to the point where the nation now suffers from a "collective amnesia". In the north, the unionists took their role in the war to become one of the foundation stones in their culture and identity. Such veneration led the unionists to develop a culture of sacrifice and bloodshed, which has contributed to the violence in Northern Ireland.

scholarly journals Fraternization in the 8th army of the South-Western front in March-August 1917

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-182
Author(s):  
Sergey Vladimirovich Kuritsyn
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
Western Front ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

This paper attempts to explore specifics of fraternization in one of the most efficient armies of the Eastern European Theater during the First World War - the 8th army of the South-Western front. The election of this chronological framework - spring-summer 1917 - was due to the fact that it was during this period of fraternization and its close forms when soldiers of the opposing armies were unprecedentedly widespread on the Russian front in general and in the 8th army in particular. This was due to the fact that after the fall of the monarchy in Russia, the soldiers masses wanted to put an end to the war. Fraternization at the front became possible due to the weakening of the power of the command staff in the conditions of the revolution. The paper presents the facts of the Austro-German side interest in fraternization development, as well as the measures taken by the command of the Russian army and the soldiers committees to stop fraternization. It should be noted that for most Russian soldiers fraternization was of great interest because it allowed them to barter with the military forces of the Quadruple Alliance, which had an opportunity to obtain bread in exchange for any things or alcohol.

THE ROLE OF ENGLAND IN THE FORMATION OF THE PROTO-STATEHOOD OF THE IRAQI KURDS AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR (1918–1920) IN THE MANDATE TERRITORIES FORM

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-191
Author(s):  
Kirill V. Vertyaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
First World

The article develops the stadial formation thesis of the proto-statehood among the Iraqi Kurds. The concept of national identity of the Iraqi Kurds remains the subject of a complex and long-lasting discussion. The main obstacle for the emergence of the Kurdish integral nationalism is still the fact that the Kurds speak different dialects of Kurdish language, and still maintain political and inter-clan conflicts over the distribution of power (not to mention the futility of any attempts to define political boundaries of Iraqi Kurdistan). Ironically, Great Britain faced practically the same contradictions during its occupation of Mesopotamia at the end of the WWI (following the Mudros armistice in October 1918), when British attempts to create an independent Kurdish state failed for a number of reasons, which are discussed in the article. In our opinion, this period was responsible for the formation of proto-statehood in Kurdish area (Kingdom of Kurdistan, for example, obtained classic characteristics of a chiefdom, but at the same time had a vivid anti-colonial, anti-imperialist orientation). The phenomenology of the British government’s political relations with such ‘quasi-states’ presents the subject for this article’s analysis.

The Great War and the Re-drawing of the Ottoman Empire

2019 ◽  
pp. 166-197
Author(s):  
Martin Pugh
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Great War ◽  
Full Account ◽  
The North ◽  
The First World War ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
The North Sea ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

This chapter details how, during the 14 years before the outbreak of the First World War, Britain comprehensively revised her diplomatic alignments, readjusted her military strategy, and rearranged her armed forces to meet the threat posed by the European powers. In the process, she signed an alliance with Japan and ententes with France and Russia, she concentrated her fleet in the North Sea and the Channel, and developed a plan to prevent Germany from imposing a quick defeat on France by mobilising a new British Expeditionary Force. However, there remained one flaw in all this: she had not really considered the Ottoman Empire or, indeed, the wider question of her relations with the Muslim societies in Turkey, Persia, Egypt, and especially India. This oversight was a by-product of her new strategy, which frankly made security in Europe the chief object and in effect downgraded the importance of the imperial world. As a result, Britain failed to take full account of changes in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa engendered by the Great War.

scholarly journals Service of the Orthodox military clergy in the occupied territory of Galicia during the First World War

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-47
Author(s):  
Eleonora V. Starostenko
Keyword(s):  
Local Population ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Occupied Territory ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Fighting Spirit ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

The activity of the Orthodox military clergy in the Russian army on the territory of Galicia during the First World War is considered. It was established that the religious situation in Galicia and the conduct of hostilities on the enemy’s territory had a great influence on the activities of military priests. The attitude of the protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy to the uniate question, the specificity of the interaction of military priests with the local population are shown. The features of the organisation and implementation of services are analysed. The work of priests to maintain a fighting spirit is considered. Cases of both conscientious and unacceptable attitude to the service was established.

scholarly journals The Regional Role of Russia after Military Aid to Syria

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-441
Author(s):  
Ahmad Saher Ahmad Al-Qteishat
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
Western Model ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
Syrian Conflict ◽  
The Arab Spring

One of the most important goals of Russian foreign policy during Vladimir Putins presidency is to strengthen Russian influence in the Caucasus region and Central Asia, as well as to develop relations with such countries as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The Russian government has always expressed concern about the so-called color revolutions that took place in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, as well as the fact that many of them were supported by Western forces. Russia believes that the events of the Arab Spring are in some way similar to the aforementioned revolutions, and that with the support of the West they could bring Islamists to power, which is a dangerous model not only for the countries of the region and the countries neighboring Russia, but also for Russia itself. For these reasons, in the Syrian conflict, Moscow sought to preserve the Assad regime, because believes that the Western model in solving regional problems can lead to the general chaos, like it was, for example, in the Iraqi and Libyan models. Despite the difficulties faced by government officials in Syria since the beginning of the civil war, and thanks to Russian military assistance and reforms, Syria preserved the legitimate regime and did not allow destroying all state institutions. Participation in the Syrian conflict brought Russia a significant role in the region and allowed it to become a successful mediator in most regional issues, as well as to strengthen its economic and political relations with the most important players in the region, as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

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