scholarly journals ECONOMIC COMPONENT OF FRENCH NUCLEAR STATUS

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-153
Author(s):  
Daria Menshakova

The article reveals the significance of the economic component of the French Republic’s nuclear status notion in the context of ensuring its security and support of military power, and especially the financial support of this concept, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The author emphasizes the fact that in present conditions, considering growing instability and international relations turbulence, the economic component tends to be a vital requirement for the development of state nuclear safety, on the example of France. Relying on the analysis of the economic component and the definition of the French nuclear power notion, it is possible to predict and assess the main trends in the development of the state security system and its defence strategy, as well as to formulate ideas about threats and national interests. It has been argued that the economic component of nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realization of French national interests.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Taufan Herdansyah Akbar ◽  
Agus Subagyo ◽  
Jusmalia Oktaviani

Realism is an approach and paradigm that is in international relations, Realism began to be debated during World War II (World War II) because of the failure of the League of Nations (LBB). LBB is the brainchild of idealists who are considered to have failed to prevent war and create peace. Realism existed even before the paradigm debate which was later called classical realism with one of its characters being Niccolo Machiavelly. Niccolo Maciavelly's style of realism emphasizes that human nature is egositically and creates an anarchic world. In this study the research team wanted to prove that what Niccolo Machiavelly delivered was not merely increasing military power merely to create peace, but negotiation and diplomacy methods were also instruments of the State in achieving its national interests in realism like Indonesia. The national interests of Indonesia are everything for Indonesian politicians and the existence and power of Indonesia is the goal of Indonesia's interests to avoid war. Therefore Indonesia must have played its role in the Asian-African Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement at that time as an instrument of achieving national interests in Realism. This research will use qualitative research methods with a historical approach. The results of this study provide answers that Realism is not merely militaristic but also a role as a rational actor.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seiichiro Hasui ◽  
Hiroshi Komatsu

Climate security has been discussed in both academia and policy documents in the West. A key point that surfaces from these discussions is that the cooperation of non-military organizations is essential for effective responses to climate change-related threats. This overlaps considerably with debates on security in Japan, where the use of force is constitutionally restricted. Therefore, it is possible to localize the concept of climate security to the genealogy of Japan’s security policy that, in the 1980s and 1990s, sought a non-traditional security strategy that did not rely solely on military power in the name of “comprehensive security,” “environmental security,” and “human security.” In Japan, the perspective of climate security is rare. However, the introduction of a unique climate security concept into security policy enables the maintenance of national security and environmental conservation. Additionally, struggling with climate change alongside neighboring countries contributes to mutual confidence building and stability in international relations in Northeast Asia. To achieve this objective, we first show that climate security includes many kinds of security concerns by surveying previous studies and comparing Western countries’ climate security policies. Second, we follow the evolution of Japan’s security policy from 1980 to 2021. Finally, we review Japanese climate security policies and propose policy options.


Polar Record ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jørgen Staun

ABSTRACTRussia's strategy in the Arctic is dominated by two overriding international relations (IR) discourses – or foreign policy directions. On the one hand, there is an IR-realism/geopolitical discourse that puts security first and often has a clear patriotic character, dealing with ‘exploring’, ‘winning’ or ‘conquering’ the Arctic and putting power, including military power, behind Russia's national interests in the area. Opposed to this is an IR-liberalism, international law-inspired and modernisation-focused discourse, which puts cooperation first and emphasises ‘respect for international law’, ‘negotiation’ and ‘cooperation’, and labels the Arctic as a ‘territory of dialogue’, arguing that the Arctic states all benefit the most if they cooperate peacefully. After a short but very visible media stunt in 2007 and subsequent public debate by proponents of the IR-realism/geopolitical side, the IR-liberalism discourse has been dominating Russian policy in the Arctic since around 2008–2009, following a pragmatic decision by the Kremlin to let the Foreign Ministry and Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov take the lead in the Arctic. The question asked here is how solid is this IR-liberalist-dominated Arctic policy? Can it withstand the pressure from more patriotic minded parts of the Russian establishment?


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.


Author(s):  
White Nigel D ◽  
Davies-Bright Auden

This chapter traces the development of ‘security’ in international legal discourse from State security, to collective security, to human security, in order to understand whether there has been a change of emphasis or, in fact, a deepening of security. National security focuses on the safety of the nation-State, which necessitates placing national interests over collective interests. Collective security marks a transition in that the more national interests become diluted, the more centralized a response becomes, and the concept of threats to peace and security is broadened to include events within States that have international repercussions. The chapter considers the debates about ‘security’ at a conceptual level, drawing on legal and political literature, and then sets them against developments in practice to see if a conclusion can be drawn on the precise nature and function of ‘security’ in international law. It addresses the question of whether ‘peace’ and ‘security’ are, or should be seen as, norms of international law. The lack of formal legal definition of security signifies that subjective views, particularly intersubjective understandings of security, have facilitated the breakdown of the State–human security divide. The chapter looks at the implications for this as security moves from being the primary purpose of international law and institutions to becoming a primary norm.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203-229
Author(s):  
PREDRAG PAVLIĆEVIĆ

The aim of the paper is systematization of thematic areas of lone-actor terrorism (LAT). Twenty areas have been identified, some of which are more pronounced in terms of content and function. The paper proposes the definition of LAT, and concludes: a) that the mapping of research fields of lone-actor terrorism has shown a very wide scope – often very productive, theoretically and methodologically established – as well as the constant expansion of thematic fields and newly formulated problems, b) that studies of LAT provide information, models and recommendations relevant to more effective counterterrorism (CT), and c) that geopolitical determinants, strategic interests that are refracted in international relations, as well as determinants that shape cultural and civilizational relations and trends in the modern world should be more strongly included in the research apparatus and the focus of LAT research.


Author(s):  
Daria Menshakova ◽  

The article reveals the significance of the usage of France’s nuclear status as a tool for the realisation of its foreign policy interests in the International Arena, especially in the context of necessity to ensure its security. A well-formulated and scientifically grounded, clear and reasonably transparent strategy for Foreign Policy ensures state security and is an inalienable attribute of a civilised, contemporary International Actor. One of the most critical aspects of France’s Defence strategy is based on its nuclear status. Therefore, it is essential to understand its role and function in the formulation of the foreign policy strategy. In particular, the concept of «nuclear diplomacy» is explored on the example of the French Republic. This concept describes the possibility of using nuclear status in various fields of foreign policy to achieve the interests of the state in the world arena. The survey describes political, economic and security aspects of the disposition of nuclear diplomacy in foreign policy. Also, the historical experience of exercising the nuclear status as a tool has been analysed. Relying on the analysis made it has been found that the practice of using nuclear status as a tool for conducting international dialogue has its several advantages, the main of which is the efficient protection of the national interests of the state. The author emphasises the fact that the wise usage of all nuclear status benefits, in the present conditions of growing instability and turbulence in international relations is a vital requirement for the development of France, especially as for nuclear-weapon state and a significant actor in the international arena. It has been argued that the nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realisation of French national interests in the International Arena, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The modern world is the world of pervasive transformations and breakthroughs connected with the degeneration of traditional and modern structures. Although today the world is interconnected and united more than ever before, it is necessary to respect and estimate the idea of boundaries, sovereignty, and independence of a state, the right of a state to lead its policy. So, the best guarantee of directing separate political line it is wise using of one of the most effective and impressive tools, in a Foreign Policy too, that is nuclear status.


1998 ◽  
Vol 154 ◽  
pp. 308-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yong Deng

The pursuit of national interests is the legitimate goal of a state's foreign policy. Yet in the 1990s, politicians in the West and the U.S. have criticized the Chinese government for its allegedly narrow-minded, backward view, especially on issues concerning human rights and irredentist claims. Many scholarly analyses in North America also point to a “hard-core,” well-entrenched Chinese realpolitik “worldview” with little ingrained liberal thinking. The conclusion seems to be that, in the Chinese worldview, the international system consists essentially of atomistic nation-states locked in a perpetual struggle for power. China's foreign policy is based on an outmoded Westphalian notion of sovereignty in a world where state sovereignty is being eroded and the traditional notion of national interests is under increasing challenge, thanks to unprecedentedly “dense interdependence.” The blunt policy criticisms and subtle scholarly analyses point to a problematic Chinese definition of national interests.


A lot of scientific papers are devoted to the issue of international security. At the same time, there are almost no works devoted precisely to the tools of the methodology of studying the concept of international security at the present stage of evolution in the scientific discussions, that greatly reduces the effectiveness of the research process. The subject matter of the article is selection of the main theoretical approaches to the study of the evolution of the concept of ‘international security’. The goal is to analyze the latest approaches to the evolution of the concept of ‘international security’ and the methodology of its study in the modern international political science. The objective is to study the main stages of the evolution of the flagship theoretical approaches to the definition of international security and the methodology of its study. Common scientific methods are used: the historical approach – in identifying the main stages of the development of the concept of ‘international security’ in the political science, generalization and retrospective analysis – in the study of the methodology of this concept in modern political science. The following results are obtained: general methodological approaches to the definition and study of international security are summarized, the main principles of its system formation, models and mechanisms of provision are outlined. The newest methodical approaches to the scientific analysis of this concept are analyzed. The author specifically discloses the modern threats that have arisen in the conditions of security at global and regional levels and that are caused by the planetary problems of the international political process, such as globalization processes, global humanity problems, transnational terrorism, etc. Conclusions: there is a large number of new theoretical trends that enter into controversy with the classical ones concerning the possibilities and methodology of knowledge of contemporary challenges of international security in modern political science of international relations. At the same time, the analyzed approaches determine the current understanding, the content and essence of international security in all its manifestations from the formation of the national interests of individual states in this area to the practical mechanisms of the functioning of the global system of international security. The effective functioning of the collective security mechanism is an integral part of international security. This problem is extremely relevant and can become the subject of separate expert discussions and studies in the field of international relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non-grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.


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