scholarly journals Sobre historia regional y microhistoria italiana. Diálogos a propósito de una experiencia política local en la Argentina de 1930

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Adriana Kindgard

Tomando como eje de la reflexión los procesos en torno a una peculiar experiencia de participación política que se configuró en Jujuy –provincia ubicada en el extremo norte de Argentina– hacia la década de 1930 se argumenta que las posibilidades de diálogo entre la historia regional y la microhistoria italiana dependen del posicionamiento previo en torno a la problemática epistemológica de la tensión entre explicación y comprensión, entendiendo que el rescate de una singularidad histórica no entra en coalición con la búsqueda de regularidades en la acción social. El análisis del caso concreto bajo estudio parte de la premisa metodológica según la cual el sentido mentado por los actores en sus prácticas se captura a través de un fuerte ejercicio de contextualización que apunta hacia el particular marco histórico en el que el fenómeno resulta inteligible.  La alusión a procesos configurados regionalmente  y aprehensibles a este nivel espacial– resultó fundamental. Se deja abierta la reflexión en torno a la pertinencia de considerar el nivel de lo “regional” como espacio de análisis adecuado a fin de que los resultados de la reconstrucción histórica trasciendan sus originales marcos y puedan arrojar luz sobre realidades distantes en el espacio o el tiempo.Palabras clave: historia regional, microhistoria italiana, explicación-comprensión, contextualización, proyección del análisis. About regional history and Italian microhistory. Dialogues on the occasion of a local political experience in the Argentina of the 1930s  AbstractTaking as the centre of reflection the process around a peculiar experience of political participation which took place in Jujuy –a northern province of Argentina– at about the 1930s we say that the chances of dialogue between regional history and Italian microhistory depend on previous position around the epistemological question of the tension between explanation and understanding, assuming that the rescue of historical singularity does not collide with the search of regularities in social action. The analysis of the concrete event under consideration is based on the methodological premise in accordance with it the sense make aware by the actors in their practices it captures  through a strong exercise of contextualization that points towards the particular historical framework in which the phenomenon becomes intelligible. It was fundamental the allusion to the process that had been formed and grasped with reference to a regional level. We want to install the reflection around the appropriateness of regard the regional level as an adequate space of analysis in order to the results of historical reconstruction exceed its original frameworks and light up distant realities across the space or the time.Keywords: regional history, Italian microhistory, explanation-understanding, contextualization,   projection of analysis.

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Veronis

Issues of immigrant political incorporation and transnational politics have drawn increased interest among migration scholars. This paper contributes to debates in this field by examining the role of networks, partnerships and collaborations of immigrant community organizations as mechanisms for immigrant political participation both locally and transnationally. These issues are addressed through an ethnographic study of the Hispanic Development Council, an umbrella advocacy organization representing settlement agencies serving Latin American immigrants in Toronto, Canada. Analysis of HDC’s three sets of networks (at the community, city and transnational levels) from a geographic and relational approach demonstrates the potentials and limits of nonprofit sector partnerships as mechanisms and concrete spaces for immigrant mobilization, empowerment, and social action in a context of neoliberal governance. It is argued that a combination of partnerships with a range of both state and non-state actors and at multiple scales can be significant in enabling nonprofit organizations to advance the interests of immigrant, minority and disadvantaged communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1021-1039
Author(s):  
Nicolas Bouteca ◽  
Evelien D’heer ◽  
Steven Lannoo

This article puts the second-order theory for regional elections to the test. Not by analysing voting behaviour but with the use of campaign data. The assumption that regional campaigns are overshadowed by national issues was verified by analysing the campaign tweets of Flemish politicians who ran for the regional or national parliament in the simultaneous elections of 2014. No proof was found for a hierarchy of electoral levels but politicians clearly mix up both levels in their tweets when elections coincide. The extent to which candidates mix up governmental levels can be explained by the incumbency past of the candidates, their regionalist ideology, and the political experience of the candidates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Nila Sastrawati

Social action is an important aspect in analyzing behavior, including in analyzing the political participation of individuals and society. Diverse forms of political participation indicate that individuals make choices of political participation based on subjective considerations with reference to costs and rewards. In the conception of Rational Choice Theory from James S. Coleman, there are 2 main essences, namely actors and resources. Actors as actors of participation, have the power to use resources, including external resources or political modalities so that the actors' political objectives are achieved.


Author(s):  
Francesca R. Jensenius

Chapter 6 examines changes in political participation among voters, focusing on a key indicator in the study of democracies: electoral turnout. Data on state election outcomes between 1974 and 2007 show that turnout plummeted in the first election after constituencies became reserved in the 1970s. Gradually, there was a narrowing gap in voter turnout between SC-reserved and nonreserved constituencies, but after more than 30 years there was still a difference of several percentage points. Exploring the reasons, the chapter shows that this variation in political participation it was not mainly due to caste bias, or feelings of being disempowered, but rather because of the weaker networks and mobilizational capacity of SC politicians. As the political experience and mobilizational capacity of SC politicians has increased, so has voter turnout.


Author(s):  
Ma. Rosario B. Tamayo

The study focused on women’s participation in electoral politics in the province of Batangas, their priority programs, the factors that impede their participation and the platform for action that Lyceum of the Philippines University-Batangas can propose to help increase women’s political participation in the province. Descriptive-correlational method was employed utilizing convenient sampling. Survey questionnaire and interview was utilized in data gathering. Respondents of the study are women politicians who won in the 2007 local election. Findings revealed that majority of women politician’s priority is health. They were recruited by political parties and their political experience is by being councilors in their respective areas. They believe that support of the community, family and personality are the factors for winning. Lack of financial resources and the type of electoral system as well as the lack of quota reservations are the socio-economic factors that impede women’s participation. On the other hand, the cultural and institutional factors include lack of party support including money and other resources and the lack of coordination and support from women’s organization and other NGO’s, how women are portrayed in media is believe to be the ideological and psychological factors that impede women’s participation in politics.   Keywords - feminism, politics, election


Yuridika ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman

This article is taken from the research to study local democracy dynamic in regional autonomy transition, especially after the enactment of Law No. 32 of 2004 concerning on Regional Government and Law No 10 of 2004 concerning on Legislation Making. These laws have influenced the process of public policy making at field. This research analyse the implementation the word ’berhak’ (right to) as stipulated under article 53 of Law No. 10 of 2004. From this point of view, this continues by mapping the development strategy in making legislation at regional level, mainly by searching to what extend public participation processes would contribute at that level. In local political context, the research aims to study how political participation at local level fully involves citizen to take decision, especially connected to: First, economic democracy which is a participatory magement all citizen in productive assets and collective property rights. Second, politic pluralism democracy which is an understanding and sensitivity over pluralistic and locality aspects of the needs and aspirations any citizen in public policy making. The research method uses a non-doctrinal legal research, especially by emplying sociology of law and political economy of law. The result is written in descriptive-analytic model. The research only limits on the development of public participatory method, so then it would have critical points in reforming law and institution, especially to guarantee public participation rights. The recommendations are: First, the needs of key action and more participative for reforming all policies at regional level, by emphasizing through (1) state institution reconstruction which more guarantees citizen political participation; (2) the shifting from ‘top-down’ to ‘bottom up’ processes; (3) the empowerment of people (capacity building) and local institutional strengthening. Second, strengthening legal framework for public participation, either at legislation or regulation levels. The public participation initiative through regional regulation or to improve parliament mechanism order are important to develop public participation methods in local regulation making. Furthermore, The research needs to be followed up by studying deeply about how the legal framework to secure better should be formulated, especialy in responding public participation, either better procedural control or substantial control from public. This research contributes partly in providing possible models and [legal] formulations which are more responsive to the people needs and justice, also to strengthen democratization processes in local governance system.Keywords : Public Participations, Local Autonomy, Local Regulations


Author(s):  
María José Centenero de Arce ◽  
Fátima Centenero de Arce

Our research tries to find out if communication has been professionalized in the entities of the Social Action third sector, by hiring qualified personnel for it. The globalized use of social networks allows companies and organizations a communication that can help to strengthen the reputation of entities, make themselves known or simply keep users and relatives of those entities informed. Focusing on small and medium-sized entities at a local and regional level in the Murcia region, we find a mosaic of entities, with an increasingly professionalization, but which, however, the study shows us how on many occasions still it is not committed to a professional profile to develop corporate communication. We find that the intensification of technological change has caused a large presence of social media in third sector entities and has focused on obtaining greater interaction between them and society in general and in their users and families in particular, but it has not yet acquired the professionalization that good corporate communication needs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-127
Author(s):  
A. R. Agababov ◽  
R. A. Lyovochkin

The article examines the main forms and socio-cultural features of the participation of Muslim youth in Scotland in non-institutional politics. As their research goal, the authors chose to identify the mechanisms through which political processes specific to the Scottish context (different from the general British or, for example, the English context) generate various forms of political participation of young adherents of Islam. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a significant layer of empirical data (mainly Scottish), comprehended through an interpretive paradigm, which allowed the authors to analyze the non-institutionalized political experience of young Muslims, finding patterns in how Muslim youth perceive and construct the social world around them. The result of the study was an understanding that the strengthening of the “Islamic factor” in the social and political life of Scotland is explained not only by the growth of the Muslim population, but also by the obvious support that the Scottish authorities provide to adherents of Islam. According to the authors, the issue of national and state independence, the specificity of Scottish nationalism, the attractiveness of the political platform of the Scottish National Party for ethno-confessional minorities became the most important primary factors that predetermined the active entry of Scottish Muslim youth into politics. The main conclusion in this article was the idea that the specific socio-political and sociocultural contexts of Scotland create appropriate forms of political participation of young Muslims. Despite the prevailing opinion that Scottish Muslim youth are interested mainly in international events, the authors show a clearly traceable institutional and non-institutional involvement of young Muslims in national and local political issues in Scotland. According to the authors, the non-institutional political participation of young Scottish followers of Islam is manifested in such forms as social movements, activism and charity, and volunteer work.


Author(s):  
I Made Gede Ray Misno ◽  

Employing a qualitative approach, the present study outlooks the political participation of people in Denpasar, Bali, with regard to the 2020 regional head election in the city during COVID-19 pandemic. Data were garnered through observation and documentation. The findings of this study informed that societies participated in the election with the belief that their interest are accommodated by political parties. Although the election was done during pandemic, the stakeholders carried out strict health protocol of COVID-19 in order to prevent the virus dissemination among societies. Based on the findings, this study suggest that the regional head election has an impact on the relationship between political parties at the regional level and the central level, in which, the central executive board always exercises hegemony towards regional party administrators in providing support recommendations for regional head candidates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (6) ◽  
pp. 758-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camilo Cristancho ◽  
Angelos Loukakis

Solidarity alternatives have emerged as the response of organized social activists to periods of economic hardship all over the world, in different times. This article explores to what extent such activities have emerged across European regions following the financial crisis of 2008. Research has addressed the relationship between the economic context and the emergence of alternative action groups, tracing their spatial variation, but few works offer systematic comparative data at the regional level. This article offers a spatial overview of temporal changes among 2,600 Alternative Action Organizations (AAOs) at the regional level in nine European countries, before and after 2008. It also provides evidence of how the number of AAOs and their focus on the most needy change as a function of the intensity of the crisis and its effect on the poor and unemployed. We find no differences between countries either in terms of the number of emerging AAOs nor in their capacity to refocus their attention on the most needy, due to the intensity or type of crisis. We thus confirm existing research that explains alternative action as a response to crisis within the context of resourced and experienced social action organizations rather than as a direct reaction to economic hardship. Our results provide comprehensive evidence across multiple contexts showing that social resilience through alternative action is not produced directly by contextual distress but seems to be mediated by existing resources. This is relevant to understanding the mechanisms behind the widely acknowledged claim that alternative economies arise in contexts of economic crisis.


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