DEKLARASI BALFOUR, LAHIRNYA SEBUAH PRASANGKA 100 TAHUN

Author(s):  
Yecki Bus

The Balfour Declaration was the official declaration of the United Kingdom of the status of the Land of Palestine announced by Foreign Minister Lord Arthur James Balfour on November 2, 1917. This declaration contains the support of the British Empire to make the Land of Palestine a place of state formation for the Jews. The existence of the declaration sparked great controversy and great suspicion, especially for the Muslim world about the evil conspiracy of Jews and Christians destroying Islam. This paper will explore the roots of the prejudices of hostilities by making the Balfour Declaration a central point. Based on historical search, it can be seen the nuances of conspiracy-scented conspiracy in this declaration. Although for the United Kingdom the Declaration was an attempt to win the war, but the feeling of being cheated already provoked a perpetual outrage toward the West for Muslims in the Middle East. This event is used as ammunition to inflame feelings of resentment and anger in many media publications in many Muslim countries. So the attention and reconciliation of Islam-West by lifting the 1917 incident is felt necessary to reduce the endless anger.

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 246-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Edwards

In the 1970s in parts of the Middle East and in the Gulf, (United Arab Emirates, Oman and Qatar especially), the burqa or niqab when worn was worn by women from tribal regions only. Otherwise known as a ‘batoola’ this garment is a head and face covering with an area of mesh covering the eyes, another variation is provided by a mask covering the face and nose. Jonathan Raban in 1979 observed such sights in London ‘...it was on the Earl’s Court Road that I first saw the strange beak shaped foil masks of Gulf women...’ There has been a modernist revival in these once rare face coverings for a multiplicity of reasons and correspondingly the wearing of them contain several meanings. The burqa is worn for political, religious and other reasons, but also although not exclusively it is a garment intended to keep women in subjection. Stuart Hall in interpreting the work of Frantz Fanon’s 1960’s writings on the burqa (then called the veil) for Algerian women, explained ‘no sign is fixed in its meaning’emphasising the fluidity of the burqa and also its capacity for appropriation by others. This is also true when considering the symbolic significance of the burqa today. Wearing it is defended as a right to choose, albeit in parts of Asia, for example in Afghanistan in the tribal regions, the burqa is a requirement for women. Whilst in some parts of Africa and the Middle East wearing the burqa is expressly prohibited. In the West and on the streets of London (following recent patterns of migration) the burqa is an increasingly common sight, and whilst it might have been worn by a woman who was subject to the norms of her own society and merely visiting the United Kingdom, many women who choose to settle in the United Kingdom and desire United Kingdom nationality are also wearing the burqa. This demonstration and visible representation of otherness has created anxiety, provoked public debate and criticism, and in France and Belgium, prohibition.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.


Author(s):  
Mykola Trofymenko

Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.   The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc. The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation. Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 546-547 ◽  

The Council of the Baghdad Pact held its annual meeting in Karachi from June 3 through 6, 1957. Representatives were present from the five member countries—Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and the United Kingdom—and the United States was represented by an observer delegation. The Council had been scheduled to meet months earlier, but Iraq originally refused to meet with the United Kingdom. At the opening session, presided over by Mr. Suhrawardy, Prime Minister of Pakistan, the Prime Minister of Iraq, Nuri es Said, was reported to have spoken forcefully about the dangers implicit in the problems of Israel, Algeria, Kashmir and Cyprus. Mr. Lloyd, Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, was reported to have followed Mr. Nuri es Said's remarks with a speech in which he announced his government's offer of a contribution of £500,000 a year in cash and in kind for building up the minimum military infra-structure in member countries. The speeches of other delegates were reported to be noteworthy for their frank recognition of past weaknesses in the Baghdad Pact organization and the need to give it new effectiveness. In the course of the first session the United States formally accepted an invitation to join the Pact's Military Committee; and a United States military delegation headed by General Nathan F. Twining started participating in a separate concurrent meeting of the Military Committee. The United States thus became a member of the Pact's three main committees, but had still not become a formal member of the Pact.


Bird Study ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.P. Toms ◽  
H.Q.P. Crick ◽  
C.R. Shawyer

Author(s):  
Paulina Stanik

Nepalese soldiers, known as the Gurkhas, have been serving in the British Army for over 200 years and have become to be considered an integral part of this military organization. Their long history of service includes participation in the two world wars, as well as the more recent combat missions in the Middle East. However, some call the existence of their military participation a colonial legacy of British imperialism. The aim of this paper is to answer the question on the future of the Nepalese soldiers in the United Kingdom. The study is primarily based on the findings of the 1989 Defence Committee Report regarding the situation and prospects of the Brigade of the Gurkhas, which is juxtaposed with the most recent dispatches and research dealing with the British Army in general and with the Gurkhas themselves.


Author(s):  
Olha Ovechkina

In connection with the decision to withdraw the UK from the EU a number of companies will need to take into account that from 1 January 2021 EU law will no longer apply to the United Kingdom and will become a "third country" for EU Member States, unless the provisions of bilateral agreements or multilateral trade agreements. This means that the four European freedoms (movement of goods, services, labor and capital) will no longer apply to UK companies to the same extent as they did during the UK's EU membership. The purpose of the article is to study, first of all, the peculiarities of the influence of Great Britain's withdrawal from the European Union on the legal regulation of the status of European legal entities. Brexit results in the inability to register European companies and European economic interest groups in the UK. Such companies already registered before 01.01.2021 have the opportunity to move their place of registration to an EU Member State. These provisions are defined in Regulations 2018 (2018/1298) and Regulations 2018 (2018/1299).British companies with branches in EU Member States will now be subject to the rules applicable to third-country companies, which provide additional information on their activities. In the EU, many countries apply the criterion of actual location, which causes, among other things, the problem of non-recognition of legal entities established in the country where the criterion of incorporation is used (including the United Kingdom), at the same time as the governing bodies of such legal entities the state where the settlement criterion is applied. Therefore, to reduce the likelihood of possible non-recognition of British companies, given the location of the board of such a legal entity in the state where the residency criterion applies, it seems appropriate to consider reincarnation at the actual location of such a company. Reducing the risks of these negative consequences in connection with Brexit on cross-border activities of legal entities is possible by concluding interstate bilateral and multilateral agreements that would contain unified rules on conflict of law regulation of the status of legal entities.


Itinerario ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
John Connor

On the outbreak of war, men from the Dominions were scattered across the British Empire. As each Dominion began recruiting their expeditionary forces at home, the issue arose whether these expatriates, especially those resident in the United Kingdom, should join the British Army or be able to enlist in their Dominion's force. Canada and New Zealand allowed recruiting for the CEF and NZEF in the UK. Many Anglophone White South Africans joined a “colonial” battalion of the Royal Fusiliers. The Australian Government refused to allow Australians in the UK to join the AIF, despite the repeated requests of the Australian expatriate community. This paper examines the questions of British and sub-Imperial Dominion identities as well as the practical policy considerations raised by this issue. It argues that there is some evidence of nascent Dominion nationalism—the Canadian High Commission in London issued what became known as “a Certificate of Canadian Citizenship” to expatriates— but that Dominion Governments generally based their decisions on this issue based on cost and domestic political considerations.


Author(s):  
Donovan Kelley

INTRODUCTIONPresence of O-group bass, Dicentrarchus labrax (L.), has been recorded for a number of estuaries and tidal backwaters in the south of the United Kingdom, including the tidal Thames (Wheeler, 1979), the outer Thames at Southend (Murie, 1903), the Medway (Van den Broek, 1979), Langstone Harbour (Reay, 1973), the Dart (Dando & Demir, 1985), and the Tamar (Hartley, 1940). The author has found them, additionally, in Chichester Harbour and in the Cuckmere (Sussex), Teign and Tavy estuaries. Correspondents have reported them from the estuaries of the Blackwater (Cox), Crouch (Wiggins), Lynher (Gee) and Fal (Melhuish); also from the Fleet backwater in Dorset (Fear). It may be inferred that all estuaries and tidal backwaters on the south and south-east coasts of the U.K. constitute bass nurseries, in some degree.*


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