scholarly journals Podejścia teoretyczne do badania demokratyzacji i autokratyzacji na poziomie lokalnym i regionalnym

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-74
Author(s):  
Adam Szymański ◽  

In the literature on democratization and autocratization, one of the areas which clearly shows a gap in the theoretical framework is a very important territorial dimension of these processes. This article is aimed at proposing the theoretical approaches based on two main pillars, which can be used in studies on democratization and autocratization at the subnational levels. The first one refers to democracy and changes of political regimes (approaches to democratization /autocratization and more static issues of the quality of democracy and local democracy). The second one refers to the territorial politics, accounting for the multilevel and network governance as well as theories of decentralization. Eventually, the author also presents possible preliminary directions of research, within which the territorial politics can be either an independent, alternatively intervening variable (studies on causes of changes regarding the political regime) or a dependent variable (analysis of effects of these changes).

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-70
Author(s):  
Snjezana Prijic-Samarzija

The new and vibrant field of the epistemology of democracy, or the inquiry about the epistemic justification of democracy as a social system of procedures, institutions, and practices, as a cross-disciplinary endeavour, necessarily encounters both epistemologists and political philosophers. Despite possible complaints that this kind of discussion is either insufficiently epistemological or insufficiently political, my approach explicitly aims to harmonize the political and epistemic justification of democracy. In this article, I tackle some fundamental issues concerning the nature of the epistemic justification of democracy and the best theoretical framework for harmonizing political and epistemic values. I also inquire whether the proposed division of epistemic labour and the inclusion of experts can indeed improve the epistemic quality of decision-making without jeopardizing political justification. More specifically, I argue in favour of three theses. First, not only democratic procedures but also the outcomes of democracy, as a social system, need to be epistemically virtuous. Second, democracy?s epistemic virtues are more than just a tool for achieving political goals. Third, an appropriate division of epistemic labour has to overcome the limitations of both individual and collective intelligence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 128-148
Author(s):  
Ariadna Ripoll Servent ◽  
Olivier Costa

The European Parliament (EP) symbolizes many of the struggles that characterize the process of European integration and is at the core of many theoretical and empirical debates about representation, accountability, and legitimacy. This chapter draws on a variety of theoretical approaches to explain the complex role the EP plays in the political system of the European Union (EU). It starts with a brief overview of the history and functions of the assembly, followed by a theoretical explanation of its empowerment over time. Then, it determines the extent to which the EP is capable of influencing policymaking, both in legislative and non-legislative domains, as well as for the appointment of the Commission. It presents the political structure of the assembly and underlines the role of parliamentary groups and committees. It discusses the representativeness of the EP and the democratic quality of its internal functioning. Finally, it addresses current and future challenges for the EP.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. e50753
Author(s):  
Carlos Frederico Domínguez Ávila

O artigo explora a evolução recente dos Direitos Humanos, da Cidadania e da Violência, e seus impactos na qualidade da democracia no Brasil. São utilizadas como unidades de análise três conjuntos de tópicos: a dignidade pessoal, os direitos civis, e os direitos políticos. Em geral, constata-se a existência de uma distância considerável entre a proclamação normativa desses Direitos Humanos no sistema legal, de um lado, e a efetiva promoção e execução desses direitos básicos na realidade política e social do Brasil.Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos; Qualidade da Democracia; Brasil.ABSTRACTThe paper explores the evolution of Human Rights, Citizenship and Violence, and their impacts in the study of democratic quality in Brazil. It is used three set of basic rights as topics for research: the personal dignity, the civil rights, and the political rights. At the end, it is noted some distance between the existence of opportunities for Human Rights in the legal system of the country and the actual guarantee of those set of basic rights in the political and social Brazilian reality.Keywords: Human Rights; the Quality of Democracy; Brazil. Recebido em: 30 de Março 2020.


Politik ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sune Welling Hansen

The article reviews studies that have examined the local democratic consequences of the Danish Structural Reform, with focus on studies that have used the municipal amalgamations (which were part of the aforementioned reform) to study the relationship between the size of political systems and the quality of democracy in those systems. The reviewed studies tend to find negative effects of municipal size on the quality of local democracy, although the effects are weak to moderate in size. These results are consistent with the existing local government literature on the relationship between size and democracy, which also has shown that size does not matter much for the quality of democracy. If there indeed are differences between local democracies of different sizes then this has more to do with the characteristics of those who choose to live in these communities, than it has to do with size.


Author(s):  
Georgina Rojas Flores

Francisco Reveles Vázquez (coord.) (2018) reúne una diversidad de perspectivas especializadas en temas políticos y sociales, sobre los aportes de los gobiernos delegacionales de la Ciudad de México a la democracia local, en la búsqueda de igualdad social en sus territorios. Las reflexiones que el lector encontrará en este libro publicado por unam/Gernika remiten al periodo 2000-2015, cuando en la capital mexicana aún prevalecía una hegemonía de gobiernos locales procedentes del Partido de la Revolución Democrática.Palabras clave: Democracia local, Calidad de la democracia, Ciudad de México, Política social y delegaciones. Local democracy in Mexico City: the experience of the delegation bodiesSummaryFrancisco Reveles Vázquez (coord.) (2018) brings together a diversity of specialized perspectives on political and social issues, on the contributions of the delegational governments of Mexico City to local democracy, in the search for social equality in its territories. The reflections that the reader will find in this book published by UNAM-Gernika refer to the period 2000-2015, when in the Mexican capital a hegemony of local delegational governments from the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) still prevailed.Keywords: Local democracy, Quality of democracy, Mexico City, Social policy and delegations Démocratie locale à la Ville de México : l’expérience des organes des délégations municipalesResuméFrancisco Reveles Vázquez (coord.) (2018) réunit une diversité de perspectives spécialisées dans des thèmes politiques et sociaux sur les apports des gouvernements des délégations municipales de la Ville de Mexico sur la démocratie locale à la recherche de l’égalité sociale dans ses territoires. Les réflexions que le lecteur trouvera dans ce chapitre publié par UNAM-Gernika nous dirigent à la période 2000-2015 quand dans la capitale mexicaine il prévalait encore une hégémonie de gouvernements locaux originaires du Partido de la Revolución Democrática.Mots clés : Démocratie locale, Qualité de la démocratie, Ville de México, Politique sociale et délégations.


Transilvania ◽  
2020 ◽  

This article argues that gender studies are a sensitive indicator for the quality of Romanian democracy. How gender studies have been established and (partly) institutionalized, the ideological and institutional obstacles that they have faced, as well as the political values and stakes that are present when they are promoted or contested are significant elements for understanding the process of democratization within the academic space, as well as the extent and quality of democracy in the country after 1989. In the first part, I analyze the dynamics of the establishment and institutionalization of gender studies in Romania, filling the gaps of current literature on the topic, especially when it comes to the more recent developments. This investigation allows the identification of relevant factors that are specific to the Romanian context and favoured or hindered the presence of these studies in local universities. In the second part, I analyze briefly the academic, ideological and political opposition to feminism, feminist studies and gender studies in Romania.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-120
Author(s):  
M. Faishal Aminuddin ◽  
Natasha Hassan Attamimi

Money politics is a serious problem for the improvement in the quality of democracy in Indonesia. In every election, there has been a shift or variation in the pattern of money politics. This article answers the important question of what pattern of money politics applied in the 2014 elections was. This study found that the pattern was more complex and that it involved more actors between not only candidates and voters, but also the election organizers. A case study had been used to view the pattern of money politics in the legislative elections in Surabaya and Sidoarjo during the 2014 election. This study explains the connectivity between the emergence of pragmatic-rational voters, the engagement of the party oligarchy in moving the political party machinery and the covert dealings with the election organizer.


Author(s):  
Michal Mádr ◽  
Luděk Kouba

The main aim of the paper is to identify and quantify the influence of the political environment on the inflows of foreign direct investment in emerging markets. The paper defines emerging markets as Middle Income Countries according to the evaluation of the World Bank. Our sample of countries contains 78 states. The reference period focuses on the period of 1996–2012 due to data availability. The evaluation of the political environment is based on three dimensions: the quality of democracy, political instability and the level of corruption, which are related to three subcomponents of the concept, Governance Matters, provided by the World Bank. The paper distinguishes between two types of political instability omitted in thematic literature, elite and non-elite. The former represents non-violent instability (minority governments, tension related to the holding of elections) while the latter deals with violent forms of instability (civil wars, coups, ethnic and religious riots). The paper uses panel data regression analysis for the purpose of identification and quantification. The research uses fixed effects model with a cluster option. According to the results, the influence of the political environment on FDI is not entirely unequivocal in emerging markets; nevertheless, there is a statistically significant dimension – political instability (both parts). The quality of democracy and the level of corruption are significant only in some cases. The paper combines indicators frequently occurring in empirical literature (the Corruption Perception Index, Freedom in the World, Governance Matters) with alternative proxies (the Herfindahl Index Government, the Political Terror Scale, the State Fragility Index), which seem to be a perspective for a future research.


2020 ◽  
pp. 28-51
Author(s):  
Victoria Graham

South Africa has made considerable progress since 1994 in institutionalising and consolidating the quality of its democracy. However, serious and persistent governance and socio-economic related problems have angered and frustrated the people and motivated increased protest action through both conventional and less conventional channels. The opportunity for citizens to participate in the political process is essential for a healthy democracy, therefore it is important that appropriate procedures and mechanisms are in place to facilitate this participation. Using quality of democracy methodology, the paper addresses several important questions, namely: how developed are the opportunities for conventional participation in South Arica, and to what extent are these taken up? and, what non-conventional forms of participation exist and what is government’s response? In addressing these questions, this paper explores the link between active citizenship and political participation over the last 25 years with a view to ascertaining the quality of South Africa’s political participation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-592
Author(s):  
Olivera Komar ◽  
Meta Novak

AbstractThis paper creates a framework for the comparison of two similar and yet different democratisation cases – Slovenia and Montenegro. The two countries have obvious similarities: their geography and small population, as well as their common socialist Yugoslav heritage and common aspirations to join international organisations, most importantly the European Union. However, while Slovenia went through the democratisation process rather smoothly, Montenegro took the longer road, struggling for more than a decade to regain its independence and complete its transition. We take into account different internal and external factors in these two cases such as the year of independence and of joining NATO, the political and electoral system, ethnic homogeneity, the viability of civil society, EU integration status, economic development and the presence of war in each territory in order to identify and describe those factors that contributed to the success of democratisation in different areas: the party system, the interest groups system, the defence system, Europeanisation and social policy. We find that the democratisation process in these countries produced different results in terms of quality. Various objective measures of the quality of democracy score Slovenia higher compared to Montenegro, while public opinion data shows, in general, greater satisfaction with the political system and greater trust in political institutions in Montenegro than in Slovenia.


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