scholarly journals Amar Makruf Nahi Munkar Mu‘tazilah dalam Perspektif al-Zamakhsharî

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Zainul Muhibbin

<p>Islamic command on Amar Makruf Nahi Munkar has been basically intended for all Muslims regardless of their theological affiliation. Mu‘tazila, however, has a typical understanding of it. Al-Zamakhsharî, as one of Mu‘tazilites clerics and mufassir, who wrote <em>al</em>-<em>Kashshâf</em>, discusses the concept of Amar Makruf Nahi Munkar together with its contextual meaning. This problem is investigated and analyzed by using descriptive methodology, content analysis and contextual analysis. From the data collected and analysis conducted it is concluded that Amar Makruf Nahi Munkar in al-Zamakhsharî’s perspective is considered wajib kifayah in a sense that it should be in accordance with the capacity and competence of its doers, with the method of treatment ranging from soft to firm action, even with fight whenever necessary to do so. In the present context, al-Zamakhsharî’s perspective on Amar Makruf Nahi Munkar has turned out to be relevant to be implemented in more actual. The appeal applies to all levels, from the Government, the ulama and intellectuals to the common people.</p>

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 12-40
Author(s):  
Rupamjyoti Nath ◽  
Manjit Das

The increasing numbers of newspaper reports on disappearing women from the north eastern state of Assam and especially from the economically backward areas of the state in recent years deserve close attention from both researchers' points of view as well as policy-level intervention of the larger community along with the government. This study makes an attempt to operate upon the menace area through the scalpel of game theory under the light of both primary and secondary data collected from the study area. It is an attempt to outline conscious human behaviour that leads to crimes such as women trafficking and identify the parameters controlling or affecting which types of crimes can be controlled. In order to do so, different distinct entities associated with the problem have been considered as different players leading to the concluding indication of prevailing flaws in the legal system of the country along with lack of employment opportunities and mass ignorance about the problem in hand among common people as the major reasons.


1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Zhang Yanbing ◽  
Zeng Zhimin

Abstract This paper argues that the Wukan Incident reflects the common difficulties faced at the state-society level by contemporary China as the country finds itself experiencing both an important strategic chapter in its development, and a period during which social problems are coming to the fore. As such, the task of developing an understanding of the Wukan Incident offers the chance to draw crucial lessons about China’s future political and economic development. Firstly, the modernization development model, according to which economic growth and development take precedence above all else, has already led to a building up of serious social problems. China’s future development efforts must draw on and put into practice the theories of the Scientific Outlook on Development. Secondly, the demands made by the villagers of Wukan could feasibly become political and economic problems common throughout the whole country. This includes issues such as how state-owned assets and land are dealt with; transparency of public finances; and safeguards for the democratic rights and interests of Chinese citizens. The government must face these difficulties and use reforms to tackle each of them. Should it fail to do so, these issues could spark a serious social crisis or even affect the stability of the political order. Thirdly, the current mechanisms by which the Party and the government respond to the public’s interest-related claims require urgent improvement. Finally, there is no magic pill to solve the political and economic problems faced in China today. Elections are certainly not a magic solution.


1843 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 84-91
Author(s):  
Stevenson

The study of the vernacular languages of India is every day becoming a subject of more and more importance. The Government, yielding to the voice of reason, has decreed, that in every province the language of the people shall be the language of their rulers. Christians and philanthropists, in every district of the country, are preparing books and communicating the elements of learning to the native inhabitants, in their own dialects. Grammars and dictionaries of the principal vernacular tongues, exist either printed or in manuscript; and the speech of the common people instead of being despised as a jargon, is every where cultivated as a language.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-126
Author(s):  
Péter Gottfried

In its EU accession treaty, Hungary committed to introducing the euro without a legally binding deadline. The question is therefore not whether the country will introduce the common currency, but when it will do so, and what factors play a role in the decision. Developments in recent years have confirmed that the euro system is able to weather a crisis, but also highlight that the euro does not in itself guarantee sustainable convergence. In addition to accession, members’ rights and obligations have also changed considerably, and these changes have not been completed. There are examples for successful economic policies without the euro and also for frustrated growth with the euro. Only one area has been identified where the advantages of membership are indisputable: yield spreads. In today’s international environment, this is much less important than in the past, but it is impossible to know how long this situation will last. Accordingly, the Hungarian strategy should target sustainable convergence, rather than the introduction of the euro. If the country can substantially reverse the increase in the government deficit and debt and keep them low, it would be worth waiting until the development paths related to the euro are outlined more clearly, while continuing with convergence. If this is not possible, the option to join the euro area as soon as possible should be preferred, which offers greater security but less room for autonomous manoeuvre.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Chu Thanh Van

Throughout the UK’s integration into the EU (1973-2016), referendums were considered and used as an effective political tool for the Government to negotiate with the common people on important issues. During the period of 43 years, the Government called for their practices 12 times with an uneven frequency between the UK’s leaders, namely the UK’s Prime Ministers. One important notice is that among the 12 referendums, only two have direct links to the relationship between the UK and the EU. This article looks into the use of referendums in the UK in general and the two that are directly related to the EU in particular in the period of 1973-2016. Its conclusion and findings are expected to help outline the usage of this political tool in the contemporary and futuristic climax of the country.


Author(s):  
Kyung-Lock Lee

This article aims to describe the training and medical licensing system (uieop) for becoming a physician officer (uigwan) during Korea’s Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392). In the Goryeo Dynasty, although no license was necessary to provide medical services to the common people, there was a licensing examination to become a physician officer. No other national licensing system for healthcare professionals existed in Korea at that time. The medical licensing examination was administered beginning in 958. Physician officers who passed the medical licensing examination worked in two main healthcare institutions: the Government Hospital (Taeuigam) and Pharmacy for the King (Sangyakguk). The promotion and expansion of medical education differed depending on the historical period. Until the reign of King Munjong (1046-1083), medical education as a path to licensure was encouraged in order to increase the number of physician officers qualifying for licensure by examination; thus, the number of applicants sitting for the examination increased. However, in the late Goryeo Dynasty, after the officer class of the local authorities (hyangri) showed a tendency to monopolize the examination, the Goryeo government limited the examination applications by this group. The medical licensing examination was divided into two parts: medicine and ‘feeling the pulse and acupuncture’ (jugeumeop). The Goryeo Dynasty followed the Chinese Dang Dynasty’s medical system while also taking a strong interest in the Chinese Song Dynasty’s ideas about medicine.


2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Qingyu Ma

This case study describes the conditions under which some local Chinese officials may use annual statistics work to overstate their achievements in order to earn praise and promotions.Dan Jiangjou, a county-level city in Hubei province o China, reported that the average income of its villagers steadily increase since 1996. For this the county officials were praised and rewarded time and again. But behind this achievenet lies the plot o stretching the veracity of the numbers.This paper examines weaknesses in the system that have permitted the officials to falsely report the statistics: Agricultural statistics data is not derived from an independent agency; the measure of economic growth in the countryside is too closely tied to the measure of the achievement of the government officals; and the present political system is one of excessive centralization, keeping the professional future of the local officials under the control of the more senior leaders, as opposed to the common people who have elected them. These three factors have worked together to create a numbers game in Dan Jiangkou City. 


Think India ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
M. Maschendar Goud ◽  
V Usha Kiran

Aam Aadmi has achieved tremendous transformation from the stage of isolation to the stage of decision maker in the era of globalization. Increasing political concerns, neglecting the confidence on Aam Aadmi has resulted in huge loss to the dictators. In view of the importance of Aam Aadmi, a great change has occurred in terms of concern for Aam Aadmi in the present era. Increasing initiations of social schemes including Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and National Food Security Bill, 2013 are some of the best examples which show that the government is highly concerned for the development and as well as empowerment. In view of the emergence of two of the most popular schemes by the government, the present paper will critically examine the need for social schemes for Aam Aadmi. Further, the paper also contributes the benefits of the schemes. Further, the challenges ahead for the successful implementation of the scheme have also been presented in the paper. The present paper is mainly based on the secondary data. The data pertaining to the opinions of the common people especially in rural India have also been considered. The paper provides the valuable observations on examining the impact of social schemes for the upliftment of Aam aadmi.


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