scholarly journals Relasi Budaya dan Kuasa dalam Konstruksi Islam Kultural Pasca-Reformasi

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
M. Qomarul Huda

<p>This article will examine the cultural construction of the post-reform Islam has offered a variety of opportunities and challenges. Through content analysis and social hermeneutics (which is defined as a personal interpretation of the human as a social action, this study detects that the construction of the Islamic cultural post-reform is a form of political responses Islamic culture. Through cultural ideology, politicians take advantage of the cultural basis for the crawl political interests at the same time releasing its cultural organizations from the burden of political stigmatization that could happen someday. kulturalisasi Also the political process that the political process without developing Islamic symbols. bid with culture-based politics is beneficial but at the same harm on the other.</p>

Author(s):  
Vera G. Semenova ◽  
◽  
Olga S. Skorohodova ◽  
Pavel Yu. Zozulya ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the study of the main institutionalized and informal practices of representation of national interests in the political process of modern Russia. By analyzing the process of aggregation of interests of the Bashkir ethnic group, studying the main forms and activities of Bashkir national and cultural organizations, as well as the channels of lobbying the interests of the Republican political elite at the federal level, the authors conclude that there is a serious dissonance between the official discourse and the real mechanisms of representation of national interests. The process of politicization of “ethnicity”, which began in the 90s of the last century, led to the transformation of the national factor into a serious tool for building relations within the “center – regions” system, as well as to the replacement of the interests of ethnic groups with the economic and political interests of regional national elites. This circumstance, in its turn, leads to the priority of non-institutionalized forms of representation of national interests in the political process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (7) ◽  
pp. 1219-1234 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Woods

The author explores the place of animals in rural politics. Recognising that rurality is socially constructed by its participants, he examines how animals are represented in constructs of the rural and in political debates arising from contests between conflicting constructs. In particular, two case studies are discussed—one concerning an attempt to ban staghunting on public-owned land in Somerset; the other concerning the so-called ‘BSE crisis' in Britain in 1996. In both cases representations of animals are mobilised in support of discourses of rurality and nature and particular political objectives. Yet, although animals are central to these debates, they are also voiceless and powerless and remain marginalised from the political process.


Significance A range of parties, old and new, are battling for the attention of two broad electoral constituencies, one inclined towards Europe, and the other looking east to Russia. Moscow has a clear interest in its Socialist allies winning, but that outcome is uncertain. Impacts Perceptions that the political process (regardless of victors) is controlled by oligarchs will dampen investor interest. The EU is already concerned about some of its notional allies in government but would prefer a pro-Western to a pro-Moscow government. The longer-term drift, economic and ultimately political, is towards the EU.


Refuge ◽  
2001 ◽  
pp. 52-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Wolff

Since the expulsion of more than ten million ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe after the end of the Second World War, the political and cultural organizations of the expellees have advocated the interests of this segment of the Federal Republic’s population. The article examines the various ways in which activists in the expellee organizations have used the ambiguity of homeland and belonging in the political process in Germany and increasingly in Europe to further a political agenda that, while it has undergone major changes, remains deeply problematic in some of its objectives and many of its implications.


Author(s):  
Koneru Ramakrishna Rao

This chapter focuses on Gandhi’s political philosophy. Swaraj (self-governance) and swadeshi are central concepts here. Gandhi practised the politics of non-violence. He showed us how to link politics with morality. Rejecting the notion that we need violence to run the political process, Gandhi has shown in practice and through the various political struggles he spearheaded that non-violence generates its own power to cause effective social action, which is morally superior and relatively more lasting with fewer adverse consequences.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1476-1493
Author(s):  
Stephane Bignoux

The aim of this chapter is to analyse young voter engagement in modern Western democracies. Why young voters? Young voters are disengaged from the political process. In order to complete the analysis, the author adapts an engagement model from social media marketing. The adapted model consists of three parts: consumption, contribution, and (co) creation of brand related materials. The author hypothesises that each aspect of the model is related to the other and that all three aspects of the model are positively related to loyalty to the political party brand. The aim of this conceptual adaptation is to investigate a new way to re-engage young voters with the political party brand, thereby strengthening one pillar of modern democracy.


Author(s):  
Anand Prahlad

The study of African American folklore has been grounded from its beginnings in the colonial period in discourses and power dynamics of race. This chapter posits that these beginnings have given rise to two folkloristic traditions, with differing agendas, methodologies, aesthetics, relationships to black communities, and investments in race. The mainstream tradition has been aligned with scholarly trends within academe and has seldom focused explicitly on the most pressing concerns of black people, or on the most obvious influence on the creation and expression of black folklore, namely race. The other tradition has been more aligned with the political interests, racial histories, and day-to-day needs of African American communities. This chapter critically examines these two tributaries, relative to issues of race, arguing for an African American folklore and folklife studies that embraces an African American–centered political focus while encompassing the unique intellectual contributions of both.


ALQALAM ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
IRFAN SALIM

In the historical development of Islamic knowledge, there was one interesting and unique tradition, i.e. the tradition of writing by giving annotation toward a previous work, and then this annotation was annotated again by another author. The work that became a main source or reference, which was called matn, then was annotated in the farm of syarh, and this syarh, then, was given explanation, which was called hasyiyah or faotnotes to put the sources or detail explanation on main of syarh that were not included in the main text. There was also hamisy in the annotation. The function of hamisy was similar to the hasyiyah. While the hamisy was put in the flanks or borders of the book, the hasyiyah (footnotes) was put on the bottom of pages in a smaller fant of letters. However, if the annotation was considered too long, the other ulama summarize it in the farm of mukhtashar. It seems that these writing systems had been conducted from the fall of Islamic civilization until the twentieth century. One factor that caused this condition was the intellectual ignorance because of various external factors in the political process and political structure in that period so that it influenced the intellectual of some Muslim thinkers at the moment. They viewed that knowledge or science was finished, and what thry could do was to understand what had been inherited by previous generations. kaywords: hasyiyah, syarh, ta'liq  


Author(s):  
Danoye Oguntola Laguda

The interaction between religion and politics has been a subject of debate among scholars of religion, political scientists and sociologists. The arguments have generally been that of total or partial dis-interaction between the two phenomena. To the protagonists, religion should not be corrupted with the tricks, intrigues and challenges of politics. On the other side of the divide, the opinion is that the two institutions should relate to each other for the benefits of humanity. Our observation has shown that the nature of the society is a determinant factor if the relationship should ever be allowed to exist. It has been argued that in homogenous societies, politics and religion can relate to each other as suggested by the protagonists. However, in pluralistic societies like Nigeria, secularism has been suggested as an alternative. In Nigeria, our case study, it is noted that religions have always played significant roles in the political process, policy formulations and their implementation.


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