scholarly journals Horse Ammunition. From the History of a Saddle

Author(s):  
Sergey Lukyashko

Introduction. Horse ammunition was formed historically on a large geographical area. The most important component of it is a saddle. The ancient history of a saddle is not sufficiently investigated. It should be safely assumed that the oldest forms of seats appear together with the use of a horse for riding. We can confidently say that the appearance of the horsemen of the Cimmerians and Scythians in Western Asia in 8th – 7th centuries BC would not have been possible if there had been no such devices. There is a deep belief that horse riding in Western Asia arose under the Cimmerian-Scythian influence. Methods and materials. The presence of images of horsemen and archaeological material allow us to revisit the issue. Even on the Nimrodical relief we can trace the saddle blanket provided with breeching strap and the girth. This primitive form of soft saddle can be seen on Assyrian reliefs, where it is complemented by a breast collar. Analysis. The well-preserved saddle of the Pazyryk burial mounds, shows that in the 5th century BC a saddle becomes more complicated, paired pillows and hardwood arcs fastening pillows appear. This type of a saddle in the Asian part of the nomadic world survives until the 3rd century BC and is represented in the Terracotta Army of Qin Shi Huang. In the West, in the Scythian world, a simple coating with mounting straps exists in the 4th century BC, probably in the late 4th century BC, a wooden base – lence and pommels – appears in the Scythian saddle. Results. The archaeological material clearly indicates that a saddle was formed within the culture of Eurasian nomads in the 1st millennium BC, a rigid saddle appeared in the Scythian culture in the late 4th century BC.

1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dror Ze'Evi

AbstractSharīʿa court records are among the most important sources available for the social, economic and cultural history of the Ottoman empire and its provinces, especially from the sixteenth century onwards. These records contain invaluable material on diverse subjects such as economic consumption, agrarian relations, personal status, social stratification, crime and local politics. While covering a large geographical area and spanning several centuries, these records are often regarded by researchers as a single, homogeneous source and treated as a simple account of facts.In this essay, I argue that Sharīʿa court records are a complex source and that researchers should be cautious about accepting the information they contain at face-value. From their questionable statistical representation of society to their biased representation of Islamic law and order, these records defy categorization as simple reflections of reality. Comparisons between different geographical areas and time periods — and to fieldwork carried out in contemporary Sharīʿa courts, demonstrate the potential distance between the records and the reality they purportedly convey.


1955 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Machteld J. Mellink ◽  
Bedrich Hrozny ◽  
Jindrich Prochazka

2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-309
Author(s):  
MUSTAFA DEHQAN

With the exception of a minor mention, which Sharaf Khān (b.1543) made in theSharafnāma, the first information about the most southern group of Kurdish tribes in Iranian Kurdistan, the Lek, first became available to modern readers inBustān al-Sīyāḥa, a geographical and historical Persian text by Shīrwānī (1773–1832). These hitherto unknown Lek communities, were probably settled in north-western and northern Luristan, known as Lekistan, by order of Shāh ‘Abbās, who wished in this way to create some support for Ḥusayn Khān, thewālīof Luristan. Many of the centres of Lekî intellectual life in the late Afshārīd and early Zand period, which is also of much importance in that the Zand dynasty arose from it, are located in this geographical area. One has only to call to mind the names of such places as Alishtar (Silsila), Kūhdasht, Khāwa, Nūr Ābād, Uthmānwand and Jalālwand in the most southern districts of Kirmānshāh, and also the Lek tribes of eastern Īlām. The very mention of these cities and villages already sets in motion in one's imagination the parade of Twelver Shiites, Ahl-i Haqq heretics, and non-religious oral literary councils which constitutes the history of Lekî new era. But unfortunately little of this is known in the West and Lekî literature remains one of the neglected subjects of literary and linguistic Kurdish studies. This important oral literature and also some written manuscripts are unpublished and untranslated into western languages. The subject of this article is the translation ofZîn-ə Hördemîr, as an example of a genre of Lekî written literature which also provides linguistic data for the Lekî dialect of southern Kurdish.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-275
Author(s):  
M. Ehsan Ahrari

As Boris Yeltsin's ruthless suppression of Chechnya's struggle forindependence becomes one more item in a series of turbulent and bloodyevents involving Russia and some of the republics of the former Sovietunion and the former Yugoslavia, Ahmad Rashid's The Resurgence ofCentral Asia: Islam or Nationalism grows in significance for students ofthat region. The author is a Pakistani journalist with a vast knowledge ofthe area. He has utilized effectively his many travels to the region in developingan authoritative history of Central Asia.Rashid shifts gears back and forth in history quite effectively in thisstudy to make his points. For instance, in the first chapter he notes that"much of the world's ancient history originated in Central Asia, for it wasthe birthplace of the great warrior tribes that conquered Russia, India, andChina" (p. 8). Also note his following observation: "Central Asia hasalways been different At the heart of Central Asia is not the story of princesand their courts, but the story of the nomad and his horse" (p. 9). In thesame chapter, he quotes a Turkoman foreign ministry official's concern,expressed to him in the aftermath of the Soviet Union's implosion to theeffect that "the future is extremely bleak. The West will help Russia andother Slav republics to survive, but who will help us?" (p. 4). This book isreplete with such examples. The first chapter contains a condensed versionof the " great game" between the two colonial powers of the eighteenth andnineteenth centuries: Russia and Britain.Russia underwent two major revolutions in the twentieth century: onein 1917 and the second in 1991. The first revolution, bloody as it was, ...


2021 ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
Chunming Wu

AbstractDespite being a coastal country located to the west of the Pacific, ancient China essentially had a continental cultural pattern, with its vision turned toward the mainland, and a geopolitical order of land-sea interactions of ancient civilization centered on the Central Plains (Zhongyuan, 中原) around the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River and surrounded by “Peripheral Barbarians in Four Directions” (四方蛮夷) within “Four Seas” (四海). Nevertheless, these peripheral maritime “barbarian” Yi (夷) and Yue (越) and the oversea maritime Fan (番) had been active and developed along the southeast coast of China at the edge of these “Four Directions”. Here they had objectively played an important and indispensable role in the ancient history of Chinese civilization, from the native seafaring tradition of “being good at using boats” in the prehistoric and early historical period to the medieval and late historical “Maritime Silk Road” from Han (汉) to Tang (唐) dynasties.


1937 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 180-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
James B. Griffin

In the North central Middle West there is a well-defined complex of archaeological material traits that received the classificatory name Oneota aspect of the Upper Mississippi phase at the Indianapolis meeting of 1935. The material which probably should be grouped together occurs over quite a large geographical area. In northern Illinois it is one of the best known of the prehistoric cultures and is represented by at least three foci. In Wisconsin the southern and western parts of the state contain quite a number of sites grouped into three foci, two of which appear to be local, namely, Lake Winnebago and Grand River. The sites in northeastern Iowa and southeastern Minnesota contain remains so similar to those of southwestern Wisconsin that they have been placed together in the Orr focus.


Iraq ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 85-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. A. Petrie

The ancient city of Uruk holds a pre-eminent place in the history of early state development in Mesopotamia during the fourth millennium BC. However, extensive evidence survives to indicate that the city underwent a very separate cultural flowering during the late first millennium BC, synchronous with the rule of the Seleucid successors of Alexander III of Macedonia.Traditionally, the Seleucid period has been viewed as one of extensive cultural interaction (e.g. Colledge 1987), when the beneficial impact of Greek “Hellenism” was felt throughout western Asia (e.g. Droysen 1836; Tarn 1951). For this period, Babylonia, and particularly Uruk, are exceptional, both in the quality of preservation and the scope of work that has been conducted there. In addition to Uruk's substantial archaeological remains, we have the added survival of a variety of textual material relating to numerous administrative, economic and ritual activities. If we are to discuss processes of cultural interaction, it is imperative to attempt an integrated study of archaeological material and textual records, and although each type of evidence is limited by constraints of interpretation, a co-ordinated analysis will allow us to address various aspects of the impact of Seleucid domination.The German excavators have published a wealth of material based on their investigations at the site, including an extensive ceramic corpus for the Seleucid period. The most recent publications of this material have coincided with a shift in approaches to the interpretation of Seleucid rule in western Asia, where attempts to avoid the oversimplification of traditional explanations of cultural interaction are now desirable. An interpretation of the Uruk ceramic material aiming to avoid generalised preconceptions is similarly possible.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuqing Liu

Chinese mythology [shenhua 神話] does not exist independently as a cultural medium like mythology does in the West but, rather, comprises ideological and narrative forms that emerge according to historical and cultural trends. Not only have myths withstood humanity’s conquest of nature, but they have drawn and continue to draw on the mysteries of scientific development for new content. It is possible to identify three highpoints of creativity in the history of Chinese mythology, each corresponding to shifts in the function and nuance of myths. The first highpoint occurred very early on in China’s ancient history, in the period of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors [wudi sanwang 五帝三王], when myths were a way to articulate history—that is, history as myth. The second highpoint occurred in the period from the Qin through Jin dynasties, when mythology mainly expounded on philosophy and theory—that is, philosophy as myth. The third highpoint occurred during the Yuan and Ming dynasties, when the narrative content of mythology turned toward the religious—that is, religion as myth.


1914 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-137
Author(s):  
James Henry Breasted ◽  
Daniel David Luckenbill

Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Nancy ◽  
Jeff Fort

Heidegger’s thought absorbed the lesson of a very ancient history: any true beginning always fails to be such, to truly begin, and must struggle to reinstantiate itself without going astray or breaking down. The thinking of the beginning is thus burdened with a banal metaphysical doxa of authenticity, originarity and properness. Christianity has an important role to play in the history of this thinking, as it is marked by the will to constitute a new beginning. Heidegger attempted to think another beginning that would be simultaneously in the image and in the place of the other beginning that Christianity wanted to constitute. Christianity’s rejection and exclusion of Jews and Judaism, as something that would compromise the former’s own claim to initiality, is part of a long history in which the West has made the Jew a figure to which it agressively turns to denounce at points of crisis. One such point occurred in Heidegger’s own time, and Heidegger, like so many in that time, absorbed the banalities of anti-Jewish messages. This banality does not lessen the gravity of Heidegger’s faults, on the contrary it aggravates them. It also demands that we interrogate the broader dimensions of these problems, that we lay bare the roots of anti-Semitism, that we investigate the sacrifical thinking which grounds so much political and social violence, that we break with a model given by this history in which progress is identified with the human conquest of the world, and that we withdraw from being any name and any demand for a destination. We must learn to live without being and without destination.


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