scholarly journals Cultural Politics: Legislating Morality in the States

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 157-174
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Stiles

We derive predictions from several social movement theories-grievance, resource mobilization, and political process-regarding social movement behavior with respect to bill introductions and bill progress in state legislatures. We test these predictions using an original dataset gathered in six states on legislation in issue areas important to the Christian Right. Results show some support for predictions generated by all three theories. In the introductions model, Christian Right strength in the Republican Party and Republican control of lawmaking in the state are positive predictors of the amount of socially conservative bill introductions. Liberal state ideologies are also, counter intuitively, associated with more conservative bill introductions. The dispositions model shows that liberal socio-moral bills are actually more likely to pass than conservative ones and that socio-moral bills (regardless of ideology) enjoy more legislative success in states with conservative political ideologies.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110411
Author(s):  
Stella M. Rouse ◽  
Charles Hunt ◽  
Kristen Essel

Most research has examined the influence of the Tea Party as a social movement or loose organization, but less is known about its influence within legislative party politics, especially at the state level. In this paper, we argue that in this context the Tea Party is primarily an intraparty faction that has caused significant divisions inside the Republican Party. Using an original dataset of legislators across 13 states for the years 2010 to 2013, we examine legislator and district-level characteristics that predict state legislators’ affiliation with the Tea Party. Our results reveal that in some respects legislators affiliated with the Tea Party are a far-right wing of the Republican Party. However, by other measures that capture anti-establishment political sentiment, Tea Party affiliated legislators comprise a factional group attempting to transform the Party in ways that go beyond ideology. These findings have important implications for the future prospects of the GOP.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Huyen Trang ◽  
Tran Thi Hoai

Based on the Vietnamese Government’s documents and the practice of societalization of education (SE) in Vietnam over the past years, the paper presents the main causes of the ineffectiveness of SE's policy and compares Vietnam’s SE with the basic characteristics of a general social movement. The paper concludes that there was a need of mobilizing social resources to promote the SE in the current context. Keywords Societalization of education, mobilization of social resources, social movement, primary resource References 1. J.S. Coleman , Social capital in the creation of human capital, American Journal of Sociology (Supplement) 94 (1988) S95–S120.2. B. Edwards, J.D. McCarthy Resource mobilization and social movements, in D.A. Snow, S.A. Soule and H. Kriesi (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, Blackwell Oxford (2004).3. B. Edwards, M. Kane Resource mobilization and social and political movements in Hein-Anton Van Der Heijden (Eds) Handbook of Political Citizenship and Social Movements, Edward Elgar Publishing Cheltenham and Northampton (2014).4. D.M. Cress, D.A. Snow, Mobilization at the margins: resources, benefactors, and the viability of homeless social movement organizations, American Sociological Review 61(6) (1996) 1089–109.5. D. McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1890–1970, University of Chicago Press. Chicago (1982).6. Nguyễn Văn Thắng Một số vấn đề quản trị trong huy động nguồn lực xã hội cho giáo dục và y tế. Tạp chí Kinh tế và Phát triển 218 (2015) 11-19.7. Ban Chấp hành Trung Ương Hội Khuyến học Việt Nam Báo cáo của Ban Chấp hành trung ương lần thứ 7, nhiệm kỳ IV (2011 – 2015) Hà Nội (2016).8. Đặng Ứng Vận, Nguyễn Thị Huyền Trang Thách thức và giải pháp đối với các trường đại học ngoài công lập Tạp chí Khoa học giáo dục 89 (2013) 16-20.9. Ban Chấp hành trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam khóa XI, Nghị quyết số 29-NQ/TW ngày 4/11/2013 Hội nghị Trung ương 8 khóa XI về đổi mới căn bản, toàn diện giáo dục và đào tạo, Hà Nội (2015)10. Xem Nghị quyết số 05/2005/NQ-CP ngày 18/04/2005 và Nghị định số 69/2008/NĐ-CP ngày 30/05/2008. Gần đây nhất ngày 16/6/2014 Chính phủ đã ban hành Nghị định số 59/2014/NĐ-CP sửa đổi, bổ sung một số điều của NĐ 69 và sau đó là Thông tư số 156/2014/TT-BTC ngày 23/10/2014 của Bộ Tài chính.11. xem ví dụ Luật GD đại học số 08/2012/QH13 do Quốc hội ban hành ngày 18/06/201212. xem ví dụ Quyết định 693/QĐ-TTg ngày 06/05/2013 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ về việc sửa đổi bổ sung một số nội dung của Danh mục chi tiết các loại hình, tiêu chí quy mô, tiêu chuẩn của các cơ sở thực hiện xã hội hóa trong lĩnh vực giáo dục và đào tạo, dạy nghề, y tế, văn hóa, thể thao, môi trường ban hành kèm theo Quyết định số 1466/QĐ-TTg ngày 10/10/2008 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ).


Author(s):  
Cristina Nunes

Departing from the notion of social movement advanced by the theories of resource mobilization, political process and new social movements, the article aims to trace different analytical paths traversed by the studies on social movements and collective action. In this discussion it’s considered the hypothesis that over the past few decades, as the macro-structural approaches were giving way to contributions more focused on the micro-social processes and features of social movements, the debate around the concept of social movement may have lost the relevance assumed by earlier analysis developed during the 1960s and 1970s.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Caniglia ◽  
JoAnn Carmin

This essay examines research on social movement organizations (SMOs) within each of the three major schools of social movement theory: resource mobilization, political process, and cultural-cognitive approaches. We map the general terrain of these perspectives and demonstrate how they have established enduring and emerging trends in SMO scholarship. By briefly revisiting some of the central findings and theoretical arguments of SMO research, we provide a background for future research in social movement organizational processes and a foundation for the articles contained in this special issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1124-1134
Author(s):  
Muddasser Jatala ◽  
Syed Akmal Hussain ◽  
Akhlaq Ahmad

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to define and analyse the lawyers' movement in Pakistan remains an active social movement from 2007 to 2009. Methodology: Qualitative research approach is the utmost appropriate approach to explore the resources mobilization process, in the lawyers’ movement in Pakistan. To achieve deeper insights into the actions, perceptions, and experiences of the respondents in the lawyers' movement of Pakistan, almost 20 open-ended interviews were taken in-depth and mostly face-to-face interviews. Give one more line of info about methodology. Main Findings: The lawyers' movement emerged in March 2007 in reaction to the unconstitutional dismissal of Chief Justice (CJ) of Supreme Court Pakistan by former General Pervez Musharraf. The lawyers' movement was the ultimate result of judicial-executive contention in Pakistan. Applications of the Study: This paper will offer analyses of the lawyers' movement in the context of a social movement from a non-western country like Pakistan. This paper seeks to examine the lawyers’ movement (2007–2009) to explore the resource mobilization in the lawyers' movement in Pakistan. Novelty/Originality of this study: The resource mobilization theory (RMT) has been utilized as the theoretical framework with the acumen of qualitative approach for this investigation in the non-western setting.


2018 ◽  
pp. 73-101
Author(s):  
David A. Bateman ◽  
Ira Katznelson ◽  
John S. Lapinski

This chapter visits the internal tensions within the various southern Democratic parties, which successfully united competing factions around the cause of white supremacy but whose unity was always tense and insecure. It begins by detailing the process of “redemption,” in which the Democratic Party across the South wrested control of state legislatures and national representation from biracial coalitions organized primarily within the Republican Party. It then examines the structure of political conflict in Congress, the site where southern diversity was transformed into regional solidarity, to show that the familiar story of the Black Belt as the core of southern solidarity must be revised. Turning to the substantive bases for southern unity and diversity, the chapter identifies the issue areas that implicated distinctively southern priorities and arrayed the region's members in diverse coalitions with northern Democrats and Republicans. From this set, it selects for detailed examination legislation that reflected competing intraregional priorities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 172-193
Author(s):  
William V. Trollinger

For the past century, the bulk of white evangelicalism has been tightly linked to very conservative politics. But in response to social and cultural changes in the 1960s and 1970s, conservative white evangelicalism organized itself into the Christian Right, in the process attaching itself to and making itself indispensable to the Republican Party. While the Christian Right has enjoyed significant political success, its fusion of evangelicalism/Christianity with right-wing politics—which includes white nationalism, hostility to immigrants, unfettered capitalism, and intense homophobia—has driven many Americans (particularly, young Americans) to disaffiliate from religion altogether. In fact, the quantitative and qualitative evidence make it clear that the Christian Right has been a (perhaps the) primary reason for the remarkable rise of the religious “nones” in the past three decades. More than this, the Christian Right is, in itself, a sign of secularization.


Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell ◽  
Todd Shields

The GOP’s Southern Strategy initiated the realignment of the South with the Republican Party by exploiting white racial anxiety about social changes to the southern racial hierarchy. However, the GOP’s success was not solely the result of its policy position on civil rights. Rather, that decision was part of a series of decisions the party made on feminism and religion as well, in what is called here the “Long Southern Strategy.” White resentment toward a more level racial playing field, for example, was intensified by the threat of a level gender playing field, and the promotion of “family values” by anti-feminists paved the way for the Christian Right. Moreover, Republican candidates did not just campaign down South, they became “southern.” Throughout realignment, the power of southern identity was rarely taken into consideration, but for whites who proclaim themselves to be southern, that has been the only party that really mattered.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Torry

This chapter examines whether a Citizen's Basic Income is feasible — that is, capable of being legislated and implemented. To answer this question, the chapter considers multiple feasibilities: financial feasibility (whether it would be possible to finance a Citizen's Basic Income, and whether implementation would impose substantial financial losses on any households or individuals); psychological feasibility (whether the idea is readily understood, and understood to be beneficial); administrative feasibility (whether it would be possible to administer a Citizen's Basic Income and to manage the transition); behavioural feasibility (whether a Citizen's Basic Income would work for households and individuals once it was implemented); political feasibility (whether the idea would cohere with existing political ideologies); and policy process feasibility (whether the political process would be able to process the idea through to implementation). After explaining each of these feasibilities in detail, the chapter asks whether they are additive, conjunctive, or disjunctive.


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