scholarly journals FROM MYSTICAL QUEST TO POLITICAL MOVEMENT: A LACANIAN ANALYSIS OF SHIA ISLAM

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 2-10
Author(s):  
Thierry Lamote ◽  
Dina Germanos Besson ◽  
Marie-Jean Sauret

ABSTRACT: After the Occultation, the moment when the shiites’ messiah disappeared, Shiism broke into two tendencies: the traditional-quietist and the rationalist-political. These two tendencies coexisted for centuries; only quite recently has their balance tilted towards the rationalist-political side, which brought about (principally) the Khomeini revolution in Iran. This article seeks to explore the mode of the social ties in Shia Islam from a psychoanalytic perspective, in terms of its original mystical practices as well as of the political and religious consequences of the decline of traditionalist discourse and the political emergence of “jurist-theologian” with its corollary, the Adversary.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


Author(s):  
Özgür Erden

This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for a political study in examining any political movement, party, and fact or event. However, our study will more stress on political structures, events and struggles or conflicts produced and reproduced by the political institutions, the relationships and the processes in question. Taking into account all these, it will be argued that they have been more significant as compared to class position, capital accumulation, market in economic structure, or culture and education, in a political study.


2021 ◽  
pp. 64-82
Author(s):  
Susan Henking
Keyword(s):  

In this chapter Susan Henking and Anne Koch debate the utility of definitions. Koch argues in her initial definition that the moment we attempt to define religion—by making it into “this” or “that” (e.g., the social, the political, and so on)—we automatically mislabel it. Such mislabeling, she adds, creates all sorts of epistemological and categorical confusion. Henking argues that, even though problematic, we must persevere in the task to define religion since all we have at our disposal is words. The subsequent debate is indicative of two radically different approaches to the study of religion—one that seeks to question normativity and one that ultimately seeks to reaffirm it.


Author(s):  
Jason Oliver Chang

U.S. consular reports on Mexican anti-Chinese activities document the uncoordinated, synchronous anti-Chinese activities that took place as a part of the revolutionary battlefield. This chapter traces the social relations that gave rise to cooperative violence, or grotesque assemblies, in the context of the revolution. Events like the massacre at Torreón in 1911 illustrate the emergence of new social ties based upon Porfian discontent and doing harm to Chinese. Individual cases of tactical assassinations and ritual violence against the Chinese bodies further illuminate the absence of mestizo nationalism as motivation. The chapter details reports of ritualized violence that present a battlefield where Chinese immigrants are under constant attack. These modes of popular violence against Chinese shifted the political identity of assailants, no matter their allegiance or affiliation, to patriotic revolutionaries. Peasants and Indians did not threaten the bourgeois military leaders of the revolution when they expressed antichinismo.


2018 ◽  
pp. 172-222
Author(s):  
Michael Robertson

This chapter examines Charlotte Perkins Gilman's concept of what she called the “World's Mother”—the selfless, nurturing woman-spirit who loves, protects, and teaches the entire human race. Gilman was known for her involvement in Nationalism, the political movement inspired by Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward. But whereas Carpenter imagined that homogenic lovers could serve as the utopian vanguard, Gilman believed that emancipated women would play that role. According to Gilman, women's independence was a precondition of socialism and argued that once women were liberated from compulsory domesticity, they would be free to bring their unique perspective as mothers into the social sphere. During the early years of the twentieth century, Gilman wrote a series of utopian fictions, including Herland (1915). This chapter first provides a background on Gilman before discussing her utopianism, her gynaecocentric theory, her concept of the kitchenless home, and her views on motherhood, race, religion, and socialism.


Author(s):  
Michelle Morgenstern

This paper takes up the question of how “platform” can be understood when it comes to studies of digital discourse. I posit that this is an empirical and ethnographic question, rather than a purely theoretical one. Regardless of how scholars theorize social media platforms and other technologies, the people interacting with those technologies already have their own emic conceptualizations of what that technology is and how it functions and those understandings shape their social media experiences. This paper aims to explore the stakes of such local conceptualizations. I argue that many of tumblr.com's most active users conceptualize the social media platform as a living actor — a dynamic and agentive entity $2 whom these young people interact, rather than a space $2 which they interact or a medium $2 which they interact. Attending to this particular understanding of Tumblr-as-actor is crucial because it has so intimately shaped the processes by which my research participants have come to take up new political-ethical commitments and identities through their engagement with the platform. However, I suggest that new methodological approaches for the study of digital discourse are required if scholars are to truly take seriously an understanding of platform as agentive figure. To this end, I argue for the use of audio-visual screen capture technologies that concurrently record the content on a screen alongside the bodies of users themselves for analyzing in-the-moment interactions between user and platform.


Jus Cogens ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-185
Author(s):  
Raphaël Wolff

AbstractFeenberg’s new book, Technosystem: the social life of reason, makes an important intervention in the study of technological systems by showing that instrumental reason requires value judgement at the moment of its realization in this world. It fosters hope that technological development can be redirected towards the fulfilment of human needs through public interventions of nonexperts. However, Feenberg does not sufficiently engage with the political dilemmas that inevitably accompany these interventions as a result of the formal capitalist bias of the technosystem. The books by Bridle and Bucher underline the importance of confronting these dilemmas as they encounter them in various domains and provide possible ways for dealing with them.


2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Sullivan

ArgumentContrary to common portrayals of social Darwinism as a transference of laissez-faire values, the widely read evolutionism of Japan's foremost Darwinist of the early twentieth-century, Oka Asajirō (1868–1944), reflects a statist outlook that regards capitalism as the beginning of the nation's degeneration. The evolutionary theory of orthogenesis that Oka employed in his 1910 essay, “The Future of Humankind,” links him to a pre-Darwinian idealist tradition that depicted the state as an organism that develops through life-cycle stages. For Oka, laissez-faire capitalism marked the moment when the state began to decline toward extinction due to the orthogenetic overdevelopment of hitherto subordinate individual egos. Because conservative bureaucrat-intellectuals had been drawing upon this same organicist-developmental tradition since the 1880s in an attempt to forestall the social ills of industrialism, Oka's call for statist measures, including eugenics, to lessen and delay the atomizing, enervating, and corrupting influence of capitalism articulated the political vision of officialdom. Statist evolutionism, not social Darwinism, might be the term that best describes Oka's approach.


Author(s):  
José de Jesús Pérez Martínez

Resumen: Se presenta un estudio interdisciplinario sobre los efectos sociales resultantes de la interacción entre impunidad y desigualdad socioeconómica en México centrado en el terreno sociológico. La relación recíproca entre ambas variables se observa en varios efectos sociales, como: la creciente vulnerabilidad de determinados sectores, al tiempo que el dominio político de ciertos sectores se vuelve económico y jurídico; una administración de justicia que hace distinción entre actores; o una variedad de derechos vulnerados, costos y carencias al enfrentar a la justicia, violaciones que escapan a la ley, o que se acumulan durante el proceso penal y permanecen sin castigo, con la consecuente ausencia de confianza en las autoridades judicialesPalabras clave: Impunidad, desigualdad, justicia penal, corrupción, delito.Abstract: An interdisciplinary study about the social effects after the interaction between impunity and socioeconomic inequality in Mexico is presented here located in the sociological field of studies. This reciprocal relation between these two variables can be seen in several social effects, such as: the exacerbation of the vulnerability of certain sectors, while the political domain of other sectors becomes economical and juridical; a justice administration that makes a distinction among the actors; or a variety of infringed rights, costs and lacks in the moment of facing the justice, violations that escape from the law, or either accumulate during the legal process and stay with no punishment, and the consequent lack of trust in the judicial authorities.Keywords: Impunity, inequality, criminal justice, corruption, crime. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-258
Author(s):  
Dadang Kuswana

This study aims to analyze the existence of the Tholiban Brigade movement in Tasikmalaya as a socio-religious movement. The research aims to answer the existence, motives, and transformation of the Tholiban Brigade da'wah movement in the political field. The research was conducted through a qualitative approach through descriptive methods. Data collection was carried out through observation, interviews, and literature study. The results showed that the legalization of Islamic law in the state's formal law was carried out by the Tholiban Brigade to actualize Islamic da'wah towards Islamic daulah. The legalization of Islamic law is carried out in aspirations, participation, coalitions, and regional political bargaining. The motive of the Tholiban Brigade political da'wah movement is the spirit of amar maruf nahi munkar both in individual and social spheres. This is an effort to change the social order towards Islamic life as a whole (kaffah). The transformation of the da'wah movement towards the Brigade Tholiban political movement is based on religious teachings that view Islam as a religion and state. The implication of this research is expected to map the existence of the Tholiban Brigade political da'wah movement in the national political constellation.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis eksistensi gerakan Brigade Tholiban di Tasikmalaya sebagai sebuah gerakan sosial keagamaan. Penelitian diarahkan pada upaya menjawab eksistensi, motif dan transformasi gerakan dakwah Brigade Tholiban dalam bidang politik. Penelitian dilakukan melalui pendekatan kualitatif melalui metode deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui observasi, wawancara dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa legalisasi syariat Islam dalam hukum formal negara dilakukan oleh Brigade Tholiban sebagai upaya aktualisasi dakwah Islam menuju daulah Islamiyyah. Legalisasi syariat Islam dilakukan dalam bentuk aspirasi, partisipasi, koalisi dan bargaining politik daerah. Motif gerakan dakwah politik Brigade Tholiban adalah spirit amar maruf nahi munkar baik pada lingkup individual maupun sosial. Transformasi gerakan dakwah menuju gerakan politik Brigadi Tholiban didasarkan pada doktrin ajaran agama yang memandang Islam sebagai agama dan negara. Implikasi penelitian ini diharapkan mampu memetakan eksistensi gerakan dakwah politik Brigade Tholiban dalam konstalasi politik nasional.


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