scholarly journals TRANSNATIONAL ARENAS, PUBLIC POLICIES AND THE ENVIRONMENT: THE CASE OF PALM IN THE AMAZON

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOÃO PAULO CÂNDIA VEIGA ◽  
◽  
PIETRO CARLOS RODRIGUES ◽  

Abstract This paper discusses the emergence of non-state actors involved in developing rules on environmental and social standards in transnational arenas that are outside the control of governments and International Organizations. This work is the result of a field research conducted between January and March 2012 in the main palm producing region of Brazil, located in the state of Pará, encompassing the municipalities of Moju, Tailândia and Acará. It comprises a case study of a palm oil producing company based in the Amazon region. The synergy of this company with governmental policy has projected Brazil's soft power, not through foreign policy and diplomacy but by influencing transnational private regulation with the use of labels and certification schemes recognized by stakeholders engaged in the palm oil global chain. The authors use the academic literature on regulation and private governance to highlight the rise of non-state actors as rule-makers in contemporary international relations.

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen E.S. Nesadurai

AbstractPrivate sustainability standards for palm oil – RSPO certification and especially the POIG/No Deforestation standards – show more promise than ASEAN in addressing the political-economic drivers of the fires/haze in Indonesia. ‘Sovereignty-free’ private actors – global NGOs, philanthropic foundations, and social investors – harnessed transnational markets and used consumer product multinationals and Asian palm oil traders/processers as intermediaries to reach oil palm growers previously shielded from private regulation. Exclusion of state actors gave regulatory entrepreneurs a freer hand to institute more stringent standards. This contrasts with ASEAN regional governance where state control of regional governance deflects global and local pressure for change. There are limitations, however, to the reach of voluntary private standards, which cannot address irresponsible cultivation practices in illegal supply chains and those catering to the domestic market, despite NGOs and other private regulatory entrepreneurs acting as ‘functional equivalents’ of state authorities in driving change. Nevertheless, palm oil's economic importance to Indonesia and the global market transformations underway mean that global private standards have a first-mover advantage. However, central state actors have denounced private standards as intrusions on national sovereignty. While private standards have sparked national conversations on sustainability, the political bargaining between state authority, private regulators, and their proponents is only just beginning.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175063522091741
Author(s):  
Michal Hatuel-Radoshitzky ◽  
Moran Yarchi

This article addresses media coverage of soft-power threats, which are typical in modern wars between state and non-state actors. In doing so, the authors depart from the vast literature on the ‘rally ’round the flag’ phenomenon coined in relation to conventional military threats. They base their case study on the interplay between Israel and the global Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) civil society movement that utilizes soft-power tactics with the aim of isolating Israel internationally. To assess the way the Israeli media relate to BDS, determine the absence or existence of a ‘rally ’round the flag’ phenomenon vis-à-vis BDS, and assess coverage characteristics, the authors conducted a qualitative and quantitative analysis of ( N = 209) articles covering BDS in the Israeli media over the course of three years (2015−2018). Their findings suggest that coverage of the soft threat follows similar patterns to those coined on conventional military threats.


2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 242-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora El Qadim

Analyses that develop a postcolonial critique of international relations and security studies have outlined the project of ‘decolonizing’ these disciplines and have underlined the importance of taking into account actors from the South. I seek to do so here through the study of migration policies, in particular by looking for the agency of state actors in so-called countries of origin. This article shows that the study of practices of cooperation is a good strategy for decolonizing the study of international relations. Based upon the example of mid-level cooperation on deportation between France and Morocco, this article focuses on two devices and the practices used for international cooperation on migration controls: the posting of immigration liaison officers and the statistical evaluation of cooperation. This case study shows that such practices open brokering spaces in the transnational security field and allow state actors from the South to challenge the dominance of the North.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Morozov ◽  

Introduction. The aim of the article is to to analyze the concept of modern network diplomacy as well as to illustrate possible solution approaches to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through the abovementioned mechanism. Network diplomacy is defined as the multi-level communication, representation, and negotiation of an idea or a set thereof through a set of actors, which may extend beyond traditional, rigid state sponsored institutions and encompass other actors integrated with the idea or parties involved. Methods and materials. The research involved a combination of analytical empirical research containing justification for case selection and qualitative research. The author mostly approaches the topic through liberal paradigm of international relations, accentuating mutual benefits of international cooperation, arguing that flexible formats of diplomacy can be an effective way to help states to interact with each other in an honest manner and support nonviolent solutions to conflicts. Analysis. The analysis is based mainly on case study research, which helped to generate the results. The article will be structured in several parts. The introduction will render an overview of the network diplomacy concept followed by a historic background of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its ideological underpinnings, and so inform a set of theories as pertaining to the potency of network diplomacy in the solution process, which will be outlined in the parts following it. These theories will then be evaluated in the context of the overall environment and specific cases – NGOs as a reach out function in water management at the municipal level, academic institutions establishing communication channels independent of the larger political environment, and a short summary of European Union outreach to non-state actors as an illustrative case of state to non-state actor diplomacy. Moreover, the article includes the study of citizen diplomacy, civil society-based approaches, economically driven incentives and other cultural initiatives such as sports-based diplomacy as possible mechanisms. Results. Network diplomacy may feature a multi-pronged approach to diplomacy represented through a mixture of, for example, state actors and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Network diplomacy is particularly potent in spreading ideas as it allows engagement of a multitude of actors directly, and is subject to comparatively low transaction costs. Network diplomacy appears to be a promising approach to the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict which is characterized by juxtaposing ideological underpinnings in addition to issues of realpolitik, and a multitude of actors including non-state actors.


Polar Record ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Malgorzata Smieszek

AbstractDespite its numerous valuable contributions to Arctic governance, throughout its history the Arctic Council (AC) has been subject to criticism and reform proposals from academic, non-governmental and practitioner communities alike. In order to inform this ongoing debate, the paper evaluates the proposals that have been presented for the AC thus far. The proposals are grouped into three clusters: legal reforms, organisational reforms and functional reforms. Each of them is examined in terms of its applicability and usefulness to the case of the AC, and specifically its suitability given the prevailing conditions in the Arctic. What the conducted analysis reveals is that the ideas regarding means to enhance the AC’s effectiveness can be largely attributed to the assumptions their proponents make—oftentimes implicitly—about the nature of state actors and international relations more broadly, without attending to the particular conditions of the case study at hand. This is an important inference, given the unrelenting change happening in both Arctic and global socio-environmental settings that calls into question the usefulness of past modes of thinking and forms of international cooperation. Far from offering solutions, their continuous application in particular circumstances might even impede progress in addressing present and future challenges.


Author(s):  
Naomi HERTZ

Intensive manual labor enterprises in the developed world face challenges competing with products imported from countries where manufacturing costs are low. This reduces the volume of domestic production and leads to rapid loss of knowledge and experience in production processes. This study focuses on the Israeli footwear industry as a case study. Qualitative methodologies were applied, including in-depth interviews and field observations. A literature review on previous research, and contemporary trends was conducted. The field research examines challenges along the value chain in small factories. It finds that mass production paradigms impose a decentralized process between designers and manufacturers and therefore do not leverage local potential into a sustainable competitive advantage for small factories. The proposed solution is a digital and technological platform for small manufacturing plants. The platform mediates and designs the connections between production, technology, and design and enables the creation of a joint R&D system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
David Romano

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena.  Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî   No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 329-346
Author(s):  
Iyam Marhamah ◽  
Yaya Yaya ◽  
Asep Sodiqin

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan sistem dakwah Pondok Pesantren At-Tawazun ditinjau melalui sistem terbuka mulai dari tahap input, conversion, output, feedback, hingga environment dalam upaya mengatasi problematika santri yang dipengaruhi oleh perkembangan zaman. Penelitian yang dilakukan ini menggunakan metode studi kasus dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan spesifikasi penelitian field research (penelitian lapangan). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa keberadaan pondok pesantren At-Tawazun dirasakan cukup besar manfaatnya oleh orang tua maupun masyarakat. Lembaga dakwah dan pendidikan ini telah ikut berkontribusi dalam menanggulangi masalah sosial dan kenakalan remaja yang semakin rumit, sehingga mampu memberikan lulusan santri yang brakhlak, berbudi luhur dan mampu mengamalkan ilmunya di masyarakat. Lebih dari itu, kehadiran pondok pesantren At-Tawazun diharapkan dapat mengatasi akulturasi budaya yang menyimpang di era sekarang ini. Sehingga semangat generasi muda kita dapat disalurkan terhadak hal-hal positif, untuk kemajuan Agama dan Negara. This paper aims to describe the da’wah system of At-Tawazun Islamic Boarding School through an open system starting from the input, conversion, output, feedback, and environment stages in an effort to overcome the problems of santri that are influenced by the times. This research uses case study method with qualitative approach and field research specification (field research). The results of this study indicate that the existence of the At-Tawazun Islamic Boarding Scool was felt to be of considerable benefit by parent and community. This da’wah and education institution has contributed to tackling social problems and juvenile delinquency that are increasingly complicated, so as to be able to provide graduates who are morally, virtous and able to practice their knowledge in the community, moreover, the presence of the At-Tawazun Islamic Boarding School is expected to overcome the deviant cultural acculturation in the present era. So that the spirit of our young generation can be channeled suddenly to positive things, for the advancement of Religion and the state.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Magnavita ◽  
Norbert Schleifer

In the last decades, geophysical methods such as magnetic survey have become a common technique for prospecting archaeological sites. At sub-Saharan archaeological sites, however, magnetic survey and correlated techniques never came into broad use and there are no signs for an immediate change of this situation. This paper examines the magnetic survey undertaken on the Nigerian site of Zilum, a settlement of the Gajiganna Culture (ca 1800-400 BC) located in the Chad Basin and dated to ca 600-400 BC. By means of the present case study, we demonstrate the significance of this particular type of investigation in yielding complementary data for understanding the character of prehistoric settlements. In conclusion, we point out that geophysical methods should play a more important role in modern archaeological field research, as they furnish a class of documentation not achievable by traditional survey and excavation methods, thus creating new perspectives for interpreting the past of African societies.


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