scholarly journals The Humanitarian and Social Agenda of the UN Security Council

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Marina Lebedeva ◽  
◽  
Marina Ustinova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Social Agenda ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
Soft Security

By the end of XX–the beginning of XXI century the importance of humanitarian and social issues in the world has sharply increased. Humanitarian and social means began to be intensively included in military and economic actions and play a significant independent role. As a result, there was an increase in the importance of “soft security” aspects, and an expansion of this field. This has affected the UN Security Council, which began to pay more attention to humanitarian and social issues, which was demonstrated with the statistical method. The range of humanitarian issues discussed by the Security Council and the list of actors sponsoring resolutions on humanitarian issues has expanded. In the late 1990s–early 2000s the Council begins to consider large amount of humanitarian issues: security issues of individuals in armed conflicts (civilians, children, women, UN and humanitarian personnel); civilian aspects of conflict management and peacebuilding; and separate issues of “soft security” (humanitarian assistance and such “soft threats” to security as HIV/AIDS epidemics, food crises and climate change). In addition, the Council also addresses human rights violations. The promotion of humanitarian issues in the Council on separate occasions was facilitated by high-ranking officials who put a premium on humanitarian issues; various UN bodies and organizations, mainly with humanitarian mandates; some non-permanent members of the Security Council who wanted to leave their mark in the Council’s history; various NGOs. In turn, some countries opposed the adoption of measures that they consider to be within the internal competence of their states. At the same time, the expansion of humanitarian and social problems in the world poses a dilemma for the Security Council: whether to include the entire range of these issues on the agenda, or it is beyond the scope of the Council’s mandate. There is no definite answer here. On the one hand, the world is moving along the path of strengthening humanitarian problems and its ever-greater involvement in security issues. On the other hand, an expanded interpretation of security can impede the work of the Council.

Palestine and Palestine Studies

2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-147
Author(s):  
Walid Khalidi
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Inaugural Lecture ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
Holy Places ◽  
The One ◽  
The University

In this overarching March 2014 inaugural lecture at the newly established Center for Palestine Studies at the University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi, while reminiscing about the genesis and evolution of the new narrative on the 1948 war, provides fresh analyses of both the Balfour Declaration and UN Security Council Resolution 242. He also addresses such pressing Palestinian issues as the one-state/two-state debate, Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), and the Hamas/Fatah relationship. He concludes by highlighting the potentially catastrophic nature of the disputes centering on Jerusalem's Muslim holy places and the threat to the Middle East posed by the policies of Benjamin Netanyahu, “the most dangerous political leader in the world today.”

scholarly journals United Nations Security Council Resolution 2532

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Stefania Negri
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
International Health ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Related Services ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
First Time

On July 1, 2020, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 2532 on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic across the world and its impact on international peace and security. After determining that “the unprecedented extent of the COVID-19 pandemic is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security,” the Council called upon all parties to armed conflicts to apply an “immediate cessation of hostilities” and to engage in “a durable humanitarian pause … in order to enable the safe, unhindered and sustainable delivery of humanitarian assistance, provisions of related services by impartial humanitarian actors … and medical evacuations.” The resolution marks the first time the Security Council has called for a global ceasefire in connection with an international health emergency.

scholarly journals Violent Extremism: A Challenge for Pacific Feminism

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 219-231
Author(s):  
Carmen Magallón Portolés
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
The Core ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Armed Violence ◽  
The Right

The right of women to participate in peace processes was finally recognised and promoted by the international community in UN Security Council Resolution 1325/2000. This victory for reason was a long time coming. Diverse women thinkers and groups began pondering the issue over a century ago and they followed the path of anti-war initiatives. It is they who sowed the seeds of Pacifist Feminism. This participation has led to various achievements when it comes to: starting negotiations; resuming negotiations after stalemate; extending agreements; broadening the issues addressed; taking gender into account. Over the last few decades, armed violence against the population has widened and shifted in scope: most of the active armed conflicts in the world involve home-grown Violent Extremism (VE), which affects both the Global South and North. The paper discusses what the emergence of VE means for Pacifist Feminism, the challenges it poses and the core of the debate, strategiesand action within the context of growing globalised cyber-activism.

THE ISSUES OF NATIONAL SECURITY AND NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT IN THE WORK OF THE WORLD RUSSIAN PEOPLE'S COUNCIL IN THE 1990-S.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-119
Author(s):  
Yu.Yu. IERUSALIMSKY ◽  
◽  
A.B. RUDAKOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Nuclear Disarmament ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Nuclear Component ◽  
The One

The article is devoted to the study of such an important aspect of the activities of the World Russian People's Council (until 1995 it was called the World Russian Council) in the 90-s of the 20-th century as a discussion of national security issues and nuclear disarmament. At that time, a number of political and public figures actively called for the nuclear disarmament of Russia. Founded in 1993, the World Russian Council called for the Russian Federation to maintain a reasonable balance between reducing the arms race and fighting for the resumption of detente in international relations, on the one hand, and maintaining a powerful nuclear component of the armed forces of the country, on the other. The resolutions of the World Russian Council and the World Russian People's Council on the problems of the new concepts formation of foreign policy and national security of Russia in the context of NATO's eastward movement are analyzed in the article. It also shows the relationship between the provisions of the WRNS on security and nuclear weapons issues with Chapter VIII of the «Fundamentals of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church».

scholarly journals The destruction of SFRY and Serbia

Napredak ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
Vladislav Jovanović
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The West ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Will ◽  
Autonomous Province ◽  
Terrorist Acts

The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999. Previously, Serbia's legitimate opposition to terrorist acts by the KLA on its territory, as an internal issue par excellence, was declared a threat to "peace and security in the world", and the UN Security Council took it as a permanent topic of its sessions. There had been secessionist uprisings and armed conflicts in UN member states before, as there are today, but the Security Council never before dared to violate the article of the UN Charter that states that these questions are the exclusive competence of the member state concerned. An exception was made only in the case of Serbia, although the defense against KLA terrorism was legal and limited to the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, i.e., the Yugoslav state border was never crossed. The false claim of William Walker, the head of the OSCE mission in Kosovo and Metohija, concerning the massacre in Racak, was the cause of the war of aggression against the FRY. By illegally naming the protectorate of Kosovo as the so-called state of the Albanian national minority, the West took this as the final stroke in the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and Serbia, thus ignoring the story of the phoenix rising from its ashes.

Niebuhr on the UN, Globalization, and the Potential for National Transcendence

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-90
Author(s):  
Gregory J. Moore
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Forward Movement ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
World Government ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
International Good

In this chapter, we consider Niebuhr’s views of the nature of the world community, the United Nations, globalization, and the potential for national transcendence, or the likelihood of nations laying down their interests for a higher international good. Niebuhr would have viewed globalization positively, as a way to advance functional cooperation between nations. A strong supporter of the United Nations, he viewed the UN Security Council veto as an important tool, allowing cooperation among the powers but blocking forward movement on issues the great powers could not agree on. Despite his liberal internationalism, he did not believe national transcendence was likely given all he said about power, moral dissonance, and groupism, nor would he have found world government attractive given the fallibility of human nature, particularly if one considers dystopian tales such as Orwell’s 1984 or Rand’s Atlas Shrugged.

Intervention by Invitation

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory H. Fox
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Internal Armed Conflicts

This chapter examines the debate concerning a state’s intervention in internal armed conflicts based on invitation, either from the government or from a rebel group fighting against the government. It looks at the issues that arise from intervention by invitation, particularly those relating to the territorial integrity of the state, the status of the actors involved, the nature of the consent, and implications for international law in general and for politics and human rights in particular. The chapter first considers the traditional view of intervention by invitation and the recent challenges to that view. It then discusses the negative equality principle as it applies to intervention in civil wars, as well as the link between intervention by invitation and democratic legitimacy. It also analyses the position of the UN Security Council on intervention by invitation.

The Continuing Contributions of Ronald St. J. Macdonald to UN Charter and Peace and Security Issues

2003 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 265-285
Author(s):  
John H. Currie
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Judicial Interpretation ◽  
International Court Of Justice ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
International Court ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Relationship

SummaryIn this article, the author focuses in particular on Macdonald’s writings on the relationship between the International Court of Justice and the UN Security Council. After considering the continuing uncertainties in that relationship, the author argues that the emerging practice of “evolving reinterpretation” of Security Council Chapter VII resolutions suggests yet another important role for the court — that of guardian of Security Council authority through authoritative, judicial interpretation of purported Security Council authorizations to use force.

Indian Perspectives on the ‘Responsibility to Protect'

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-316
Author(s):  
Akanksha Singh
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Initial Phase ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
World Summit ◽  
The Us ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
Case Basis

The concept of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) took shape to refine the contested concept of ‘humanitarian intervention’. In the initial phase, the concept of R2P did not receive enthusiastic endorsement. Developing countries including India perceived it as a new body with the old spirit and likened it with the concept of humanitarian intervention, and this was reinforced by the US-led war against Iraq in 2003. However, the 2005 World Summit proved to be a watershed in the evolution of R2P, just as it is a landmark to understand an important phase of India’s approach to the idea. It would not be accurate to characterize India as a determined nay-sayer on R2P endorsement, particularly in view of the widely known priority India attached at the World Summit to the question of United Nations (UN) Security Council enlargement. Eventually, by 2009 (with the introduction of ‘three- pillar principles’ of R2P), India became a major proponent for the cautious and legitimate implementation of R2P. However, the experiences gained from Libya made India become a voice of caution in invoking forcible options under the R2P principle in Syria. In this article, the attempt has been made to articulate various permutations and combinations regarding India’s evolving approach to R2P on a case-by-case basis.

scholarly journals BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FACES THE EXISTENTIAL THREAT: TIME TO STOP SEPARATISM

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Critical Time ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Republika Srpska ◽  
The Eu

AVİM, for some time, has been drawing attention for developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) that threaten the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Confirming this foresight, the High Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the report he has recently presented to the UN Secretary General stated the view that BiH is in imminent danger of breaking apart, and there is a very real prospect of a return to conflict. During the UN Security Council UNSC) debate, the representative of the USA expressed concern over Milorad Dodik statements indicating an intention to withdraw Republika Srpska entirely from the Government and described this move as a dangerous path for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the wider region. The Russian Federation (RF) insisted on the closure of the Office of the High Representative and openly declaresd that RF does not recognize the new High Representative. In the UNSC debate, Croatian representative made a "revisionist" statement, while the Serbian representative expressed balanced and careful views. Croatia was supported by the EU Delegation. The declaration of support by the EU for Croatia has a content that could lead to a dangerous path to the more revisionist developments in BiH. It is difficult to say that it is appropriate for the EU to make such a statement supporting the one constituent people at such a critical time. Bosniaks, one of the constituent and the most populous peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were left without support and alone in the Security Council. At this critical juncture, Turkey, as a member of the Steering Board of the Peace Implementation Council, seems to be the only country that can show its support to the Bosniaks, reveal the EU's inaction and its partisan position in BiH, and not give an opportunity to those who want to drive the Bosniaks into the corner.

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