scholarly journals Violent Extremism: A Challenge for Pacific Feminism

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 219-231
Author(s):  
Carmen Magallón Portolés
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
The Core ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Armed Violence ◽  
The Right

The right of women to participate in peace processes was finally recognised and promoted by the international community in UN Security Council Resolution 1325/2000. This victory for reason was a long time coming. Diverse women thinkers and groups began pondering the issue over a century ago and they followed the path of anti-war initiatives. It is they who sowed the seeds of Pacifist Feminism. This participation has led to various achievements when it comes to: starting negotiations; resuming negotiations after stalemate; extending agreements; broadening the issues addressed; taking gender into account. Over the last few decades, armed violence against the population has widened and shifted in scope: most of the active armed conflicts in the world involve home-grown Violent Extremism (VE), which affects both the Global South and North. The paper discusses what the emergence of VE means for Pacifist Feminism, the challenges it poses and the core of the debate, strategiesand action within the context of growing globalised cyber-activism.

scholarly journals The Humanitarian and Social Agenda of the UN Security Council

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Marina Lebedeva ◽  
◽  
Marina Ustinova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Social Agenda ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
Soft Security

By the end of XX–the beginning of XXI century the importance of humanitarian and social issues in the world has sharply increased. Humanitarian and social means began to be intensively included in military and economic actions and play a significant independent role. As a result, there was an increase in the importance of “soft security” aspects, and an expansion of this field. This has affected the UN Security Council, which began to pay more attention to humanitarian and social issues, which was demonstrated with the statistical method. The range of humanitarian issues discussed by the Security Council and the list of actors sponsoring resolutions on humanitarian issues has expanded. In the late 1990s–early 2000s the Council begins to consider large amount of humanitarian issues: security issues of individuals in armed conflicts (civilians, children, women, UN and humanitarian personnel); civilian aspects of conflict management and peacebuilding; and separate issues of “soft security” (humanitarian assistance and such “soft threats” to security as HIV/AIDS epidemics, food crises and climate change). In addition, the Council also addresses human rights violations. The promotion of humanitarian issues in the Council on separate occasions was facilitated by high-ranking officials who put a premium on humanitarian issues; various UN bodies and organizations, mainly with humanitarian mandates; some non-permanent members of the Security Council who wanted to leave their mark in the Council’s history; various NGOs. In turn, some countries opposed the adoption of measures that they consider to be within the internal competence of their states. At the same time, the expansion of humanitarian and social problems in the world poses a dilemma for the Security Council: whether to include the entire range of these issues on the agenda, or it is beyond the scope of the Council’s mandate. There is no definite answer here. On the one hand, the world is moving along the path of strengthening humanitarian problems and its ever-greater involvement in security issues. On the other hand, an expanded interpretation of security can impede the work of the Council.

The International Criminal Court's Provisional Authority to Coerce

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Franceschet
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
World Order ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
The World ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Right

The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to independent tribunal agents, thereby overriding the default locus of punishment in the world order: sovereign states.

scholarly journals The destruction of SFRY and Serbia

Napredak ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
Vladislav Jovanović
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The West ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Will ◽  
Autonomous Province ◽  
Terrorist Acts

The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999. Previously, Serbia's legitimate opposition to terrorist acts by the KLA on its territory, as an internal issue par excellence, was declared a threat to "peace and security in the world", and the UN Security Council took it as a permanent topic of its sessions. There had been secessionist uprisings and armed conflicts in UN member states before, as there are today, but the Security Council never before dared to violate the article of the UN Charter that states that these questions are the exclusive competence of the member state concerned. An exception was made only in the case of Serbia, although the defense against KLA terrorism was legal and limited to the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, i.e., the Yugoslav state border was never crossed. The false claim of William Walker, the head of the OSCE mission in Kosovo and Metohija, concerning the massacre in Racak, was the cause of the war of aggression against the FRY. By illegally naming the protectorate of Kosovo as the so-called state of the Albanian national minority, the West took this as the final stroke in the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and Serbia, thus ignoring the story of the phoenix rising from its ashes.

Niebuhr on the UN, Globalization, and the Potential for National Transcendence

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-90
Author(s):  
Gregory J. Moore
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Forward Movement ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
World Government ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
International Good

In this chapter, we consider Niebuhr’s views of the nature of the world community, the United Nations, globalization, and the potential for national transcendence, or the likelihood of nations laying down their interests for a higher international good. Niebuhr would have viewed globalization positively, as a way to advance functional cooperation between nations. A strong supporter of the United Nations, he viewed the UN Security Council veto as an important tool, allowing cooperation among the powers but blocking forward movement on issues the great powers could not agree on. Despite his liberal internationalism, he did not believe national transcendence was likely given all he said about power, moral dissonance, and groupism, nor would he have found world government attractive given the fallibility of human nature, particularly if one considers dystopian tales such as Orwell’s 1984 or Rand’s Atlas Shrugged.

Student Satisfaction Approach for Enhancing University Competitiveness

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-54
Author(s):  
Booysen Sabeho Tubulingane ◽  
Neeta Baporikar
Keyword(s):  
Student Satisfaction ◽  
Emerging Economies ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The Core ◽  
The World ◽  
Quantitative Descriptive ◽  
Teaching Learning ◽  
The Right ◽  
The University

Universities contribute to the creation of a knowledgeable and skilled national workforce. The world over, universities are hailed as one of the old forms of organizations that have been instrumental in contributing to the development of many nations by producing skilled and intellectual human resources needed to produce goods and services. For this role fulfillment, the universities must ensure student satisfaction as students are the core of the very existence of universities and most important stakeholders in the higher education scenario. Moreover, student satisfaction is likely to enhance not only the better teaching-learning process, knowledge transfer, but also the competitiveness of the universities. This is all the more relevant and probably the best way to adopt for the university to play their role effectively and also is competitive in emerging economies. Hence, adopting a quantitative descriptive cross-sectional research methodology, this study aims to deliberate on how student satisfaction is the right approach and can drive university competitiveness.

The WPS Agenda

2018 ◽  
pp. 828-839 ◽  
Author(s):  
Swati Parashar
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Global South ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
A Site ◽  
Just Peace

This chapter offers a postcolonial critique of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. Moreover, it problematizes the emphasis on gender equality and women’s empowerment as universal outcomes for the implementation of a gender-just peace. In doing so, it suggests that the normative evolution of the WPS agenda that derives from UN Security Council Resolution 1325 produces a discourse for understanding WPS that perceives of individuals in the Global South as merely recipients of norms. To demonstrate the implications of this claim, the chapter draws from attempts to include the WPS agenda in the development of policies designed to counter violent extremism (CVE). It highlights the failure of these policies to account for the complex histories of political violence and extremist ideologies rooted in colonial encounters. In response, this chapter argues that for the WPS agenda to acquire universal character and meaning, the Global South must be employed as a site of knowledge and investigation.

Blockades and Interdictions

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
Jus Ad Bellum ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Rules And Principles ◽  
Principle Of Proportionality ◽  
The Right ◽  
Self Defence

This chapter examines the rules and principles that govern a naval or aerial blockade or some other form of interference with foreign vessels and aircraft in the absence of an explicit authorization by the UN Security Council. After clarifying the concept of blockade under the jus ad bellum and the jus in bello, it considers blockades authorized as military enforcement measures. It also discusses some unresolved or even contested issues regarding the legality of blockades, with reference to blockades in situations other than international armed conflict and the principle of proportionality in relation to humanity. The scope of interdiction operations and its legal bases under international treaties are analysed next, together with maritime interdiction operations and the applicability of prize law during non-international armed conflicts. Finally, the chapter explores the right of individual or collective self-defence as a basis for interdiction operations.

Intervention by Invitation

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory H. Fox
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Internal Armed Conflicts

This chapter examines the debate concerning a state’s intervention in internal armed conflicts based on invitation, either from the government or from a rebel group fighting against the government. It looks at the issues that arise from intervention by invitation, particularly those relating to the territorial integrity of the state, the status of the actors involved, the nature of the consent, and implications for international law in general and for politics and human rights in particular. The chapter first considers the traditional view of intervention by invitation and the recent challenges to that view. It then discusses the negative equality principle as it applies to intervention in civil wars, as well as the link between intervention by invitation and democratic legitimacy. It also analyses the position of the UN Security Council on intervention by invitation.

Female Combatants in Postconflict Processes: Understanding the Roots of Exclusion

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis Leanna Henshaw
Keyword(s):  
Feminist Theory ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
The World ◽  
Internal Armed Conflicts

Abstract Research on contemporary internal armed conflicts has consistently shown that women are active in most armed insurgencies, in groups with varied ideologies, and in every region of the world. However, scholarship from feminist security studies shows that, not only are women still generally underrepresented in peace processes, but women affiliated with rebel groups in particular are more likely to be excluded from disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) efforts. Closing this gap is a necessary next step for improving the security of women. This article draws on feminist theory and feminist security studies literature to highlight four factors that contribute to the exclusion of insurgent women from DDR efforts: attributions of agency, gendered hierarchy within groups, the tendency to collapse complex intersectionalities, and the pressure for patriarchal reordering after conflict. Drawing on selected cases, I illustrate each of these factors at work and discuss the implications for female ex-combatants, policy-makers, and scholars.

Indian Perspectives on the ‘Responsibility to Protect'

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-316
Author(s):  
Akanksha Singh
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Initial Phase ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
World Summit ◽  
The Us ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
Case Basis

The concept of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) took shape to refine the contested concept of ‘humanitarian intervention’. In the initial phase, the concept of R2P did not receive enthusiastic endorsement. Developing countries including India perceived it as a new body with the old spirit and likened it with the concept of humanitarian intervention, and this was reinforced by the US-led war against Iraq in 2003. However, the 2005 World Summit proved to be a watershed in the evolution of R2P, just as it is a landmark to understand an important phase of India’s approach to the idea. It would not be accurate to characterize India as a determined nay-sayer on R2P endorsement, particularly in view of the widely known priority India attached at the World Summit to the question of United Nations (UN) Security Council enlargement. Eventually, by 2009 (with the introduction of ‘three- pillar principles’ of R2P), India became a major proponent for the cautious and legitimate implementation of R2P. However, the experiences gained from Libya made India become a voice of caution in invoking forcible options under the R2P principle in Syria. In this article, the attempt has been made to articulate various permutations and combinations regarding India’s evolving approach to R2P on a case-by-case basis.

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