scholarly journals Pers dan Kritik Sosial pada Masa Orde Baru: Studi Kasus Pers Mingguan Mahasiswa Indonesia di Bandung, 1966-1974

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-136
Author(s):  
Andi Suwirta
Keyword(s):  
Early Period ◽  
Social Criticism ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Government Power ◽  
The Press ◽  
Historical Methods

ABSTRAKSI: Artikel ini, dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan metode historis, mengkaji tentang dinamika politik pada masa-masa awal Orde Baru (1966-1974) di Indonesia, dengan memfokuskan analisis mengenai pers dan kritik sosial. Studi difokuskan pada mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia” di Bandung, yang bersikap kritis terhadap masalah-masalah yang membelenggu pemerintah Orde Baru pada masa itu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahwa fenomena KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme) pada masa-masa awal pemerintah Orde Baru, seperti kedudukan SPRI (Staf Pribadi) Presiden; kasus BULOG (Badan Urusan Logistik); dan masalah pembangunan TMII (Taman Mini Indonesia Indah) di Jakarta, menjadi “news and views” (berita dan pandangan) yang kritis dari mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia”. Namun, berbagai reaksi tersebut tidak menggoyahkan kedudukan pemerintah Orde Baru dalam rangka membangun konsolidasi kekuasaan dan legitimasi pemerintahan. Bahkan pers yang kritis, termasuk mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia” di Bandung, akhirnya dibungkam oleh pemerintah Orde Baru, dan sepertinya rejim ini tidak akan tergoyahkan untuk masa 20 tahunan ke depan.KATA KUNCI: Pers dan Kritik Sosial; Pemerintah Orde Baru; Mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia”; Masalah Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme. ABSTRACT: “Press and Social Criticism in the New Order Period: Case Study of Indonesian Student Weekly in Bandung, 1966-1974”. This article, using a qualitative approach and historical methods, examines the political dynamics in the early period of the New Order (1966-1974) in Indonesia, by focusing on analysis of the press and social criticism. The study focused on the weekly of "Indonesian Students" in Bandung, which were critical towards the problems that bound the New Order government at that time. The results of the study showed that the phenomena of KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism) in the early period of the New Order government, such as the position of the SPRI (Personal Staff) of the President; BULOG (Logistics Affairs Agency) case; and the problem of developing of TMII (Beautiful Indonesian Miniature Garden) in Jakarta, becoming a critical news and views from the weekly of "Indonesian Students". However, these various reactions did not destabilize the position of the New Order government in the context to build a consolidation of government power and legitimacy. Even the critical press, including the weekly of "Indonesian Students" in Bandung, was finally silenced by the New Order government, and it seems that this regime will not be deterred for the next 20 years.KEY WORD: Press and Social Criticism; New Order Government; “Indonesian Students” Weekly; Problems of Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism.About the Author: Andi Suwirta, M.Hum. adalah Dosen Senior di Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI (Fakultas Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia) di Bandung, Jawa Barat, Indonesia; dan Sekretaris Jenderal ASPENSI (Asosiasi Sarjana Pendidikan Sejarah Indonesia) Periode 2018-2023. Untuk kepentingan akademik, penulis bisa dihubungi dengan alamat emel: [email protected]  Suggested Citation: Suwirta, Andi. (2018). "Pers dan Kritik Sosial pada Masa Orde Baru: Studi Kasus Pers Mingguan Mahasiswa Indonesia di Bandung, 1966-1974" in MIMBAR PENDIDIKAN: Jurnal Indonesia untuk Kajian Pendidikan, Volume 3(2), September, pp.113-136. Bandung, Indonesia: UPI [Indonesia University of Education] Press, ISSN 2527-3868 (print) and 2503-457X (online).Article Timeline: Accepted (December 27, 2017); Revised (May 20, 2018); and Published (September 30, 2018). 

scholarly journals Praktik Politik Oligarki dan Mobilisasi Sumber Daya Kekuasaan Di Pilkades Desa Sitimerto Pada Tahun 2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Endik Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Material Resource ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Village ◽  
Selection Of

The emergence of a debate about the village head elections, is it a form of democracy or not democracy? Because it is controlled by a handful of oligarchs, it has long occurred among village experts. Therefore, this article aims to find out the development of the democratic model and the source of oligarchic power in Sitimerto village, Kediri regency in the Pilkades 2016. This article uses a qualitative approach and takes a case study on the selection of Sitimerto village heads, Pagu District, Kediri District, East Java Province. The case was interesting because the Sitimerto Pilkades allegedly represented a village with Javanese cultural characters and the oligarchs were quite strong. The results of the study prove that material resources are still dominant in the political dynamics of Sitimerto village. Money politics is a material resource that functions to influence village voters with diverse meanings. However, oligarchs must also become as elites to be able to exploit non-material resources to better guarantee victory in the election of the Sitimerto village head. In this study, non-material resources are identical with Javanese sources of power which are spiritual powers or called kesakten.

scholarly journals Political Branding Tagar #2019gantipresiden Dalam Meningkatkan Elektabilitas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Di Ranah Media Sosial

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ridwan Rachmadi ◽  
Heri Budianto
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Branding ◽  
Use Of Social Media

AbstractThe hashtag #2019GantiPresiden was initiated by Dr. Mardani Ali Sera, a politician from the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) has become a trending topic on social media, the use of hashtags has increasingly colored political dynamics in the country's public sphere. The research aims to obtain an overview of the Political Branding of the #2019GantiPresiden hashtag in increasing the electability of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the realm of social media. This research uses a constructivist paradigm, a qualitative approach and a case study method. The results showed that the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera was able to make good use of social media as a campaign tool and was able to present its best politician to become national figures. One of them was Dr. Mardani Ali Sera who initiated the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden became a trending topic, the surface was present ahead of the 2019 Presidential election which presented only two candidates for the Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidate pairs. The public's desire for a replacement of the President is accommodated through the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden is affiliated with one of the Presidential Candidates and Vice-Presidential Candidates carried by the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden benefits the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera because it is a politician of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera who initiated it. Political Branding Tagar #2019GantiPresiden contributes to increasing the electability of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the realm of social media so that it has implications for the vote acquisition of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the 2019 legislative elections.Keywords: Political Branding, Tagar, 2019 Change President, Prosperous Justice Party, Social Media Keywords: fPolitical Branding, Tagar, 2019 Change President, Prosperous Justice Party, Social Media  AbstrakTanda pagar #2019GantiPresiden di inisiasi Oleh Dr. Mardani Ali Sera, politikus Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) menjadi tranding topik di media sosial penggunaan tagar semakin mewarnai dinamika politik di ruang publik Tanah Air. Penelitian bertujuan untuk memperoleh gambaran tentang political branding tagar #2019GantiPresiden dalam meningkatkan elektabilitas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera di ranah media sosial. Penelitian menggunakan paradigma konstruktivis, pendekatan kualitatif dan metode studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera mampu memanfaatkan media sosial sebagai sarana kampanye dengan baik dan mampu menghadirkan kader-kader terbaiknya menjadi tokoh nasional salah satu diantaranya adalah Dr. Mardani Ali Sera yang menginisiasi tagar #2019GantiPresiden. Tagar #2019GantiPresiden menjadi tranding topik, hadir kepermukaan jelang perhelatan pemilu Presiden 2019 yang menghadirkan hanya dua kandidat pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Keinginan masyarakat akan pergantian Presiden terakomodir melalui tagar #2019gantiPresdien. Tagar #2019GantiPresdien berafiliasi dengan salah satu kandidat Calon Presiden dan Calon Wakil Presiden yang di usung oleh Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Tagar #2019GantiPresiden menguntungkan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera karena yang menginisiasinya adalah kader Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political Branding Tagar #2019GantiPresiden berkontribusi menaikan elektabiltas Partai Keadilan Sejatera di ranah media sosial sehingga berimplikasi pada perolehan suara Partai Keadilan Sejahtera pada pemilu legislatif tahun 2019.  Kata kunci: Political Branding, Tagar, 2019 Ganti Presiden, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Media Sosial

scholarly journals EDUCAÇÃO E RESISTÊNCIA CAMPONESA NA AMAZÔNIA PARAENSE

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (20) ◽  
pp. 202127
Author(s):  
Chirles da Silva Monteiro ◽  
Gutemberg Armando Diniz Guerra
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Calidad De Vida ◽  
The Social ◽  
Peasant Resistance

EDUCATION AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN THE PARAENSE AMAZONIAEDUCACIÓN Y RESISTENCIA CAMPESINA EN LA AMAZONIA PARAENSERESUMOEste artigo é fruto dos apontamentos da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agriculturas Amazônicas (PPGAA) da Universidade Federal do Pará – UFPA. Aborda os desafios da luta pela terra no Sudeste Paraense, refletindo sobre o papel da educação nesse processo. Ele aponta a educação que permeia o cotidiano das pessoas, como elemento que fortalece a resistência política dos camponeses, por isso, não está apenas relacionada à conquista da terra, mas também, à permanência na mesma e à mudança da qualidade de vida nos acampamentos e assentamentos. O artigo é resultado de um estudo de caso, desenvolvido no Acampamento Sem Terra, denominado de Dalcídio Jurandir, localizado no Sudeste Paraense e encaminhado por uma abordagem qualitativa. Entende-se que o movimento social busca uma educação que dê conta de compreender as circunstâncias vividas a partir de suas contradições sociais, tendo a mesma lógica de resistência do campesinato, porque é nele que ela tem sua raiz histórica. Trata-se de uma educação que antecede à escola e vai muito além dela.Palavras-chave: Educação; Luta pela Terra; Resistência Camponesa.ABSTRACTThis article is the result of the master's research notes developed in the Postgraduate Program in Amazon Agriculture (PPGAA) of the Federal University of Pará – UFPA. It addresses the challenges of the struggle for land in Southeast Pará, reflecting on the role of education in this process. This paper points out the education that permeates people's daily lives, as an element that strengthens the political resistance of the peasants, therefore, it is not only related to the conquest of the land, but also to the permanence in it and to the change in the quality of life in the encampments and settlements. The article is the result of a case study, developed at the agrarian reform camp, called Dalcídio Jurandir, located in Southeast Pará and guided by a qualitative approach. It is understood that the social movement seeks an education that is able to understand the circumstances experienced from its social contradictions, having the same logic of resistance as the peasantry, because it has its historical roots in it. It is an education that precedes school and goes far beyond it.Keywords: Education; Struggle for Land; Peasant Resistance.RESUMENEste artículo es el resultado de las notas de investigación de maestría desarrolladas en el Programa de Posgrado en Agricultura Amazónica (PPGAA) de la Universidad Federal de Pará – UFPA. Aborda los desafíos de la lucha por la tierra en el sureste de Pará, reflexionando sobre el papel de la educación en este proceso. Señala la educación que permea la vida cotidiana de las personas, como un elemento que fortalece la resistencia política de los campesinos, por lo tanto, no solo se relaciona con la conquista de la tierra, sino también con la permanencia en ella y con el cambio de la tierra. Calidad de vida en los campamentos y asentamientos. El artículo es el resultado de un estudio de caso, desarrollado en el Campamento Sem Terra, llamado Dalcídio Jurandir, ubicado en el sureste de Pará y guiado por un enfoque cualitativo. Se entiende que el movimiento social busca una educación que sea capaz de comprender las circunstancias vividas desde sus contradicciones sociales, teniendo la misma lógica de resistencia que el campesinado, porque tiene en ella sus raíces históricas. Es una educación que precede a la escuela y la va mucho más allá.Palabras clave: Educación; Lucha por la Tierra; Resistencia Campesina.

scholarly journals EKONOMI POLITIK MEDIA: PADA PEMBERITAAN MENJELANG PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR BANTEN 2017 OLEH RADAR BANTEN DAN BARAYA TV

INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Relations ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Political Economy Of Media ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.

The Freedom of the Press

2020 ◽  
pp. 107-133
Author(s):  
Maggie Gray
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Aesthetic Theory ◽  
Community Arts ◽  
Artistic Value ◽  
The Arts ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter engages with important strands of scholarship on comics work, arguing for a critical comics studies that attends to the political economy, social relations, and material processes of production. It examines the relationship between struggles over the organization of cultural labor and the forms of value inscribed in comics, via the case study of a specific site of British comics production that reimagined how comics work could be organized and the artistic value comics could have– the cooperative Birmingham Arts Lab Press (1969-1982) and its Ar:Zak imprint. Bringing together archival inquiry and participant interviews, wider historical research into the arts lab, alternative press, community arts and underground/alternative comics movements, and Marxist political and aesthetic theory, this chapter analyzes how struggles for an autonomous, democratized, participatory creative practice that took place within this context of comics production were embodied in the material and visual form of the comics made.

The Press and the Emergent Political Class in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
pp. 606-618
Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Media Access ◽  
Media Ownership ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.

scholarly journals Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-824
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński ◽  
Vjeran Pavlaković
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Way

What are the consequences of a culture of victory in countries undergoing new state formation and democratic transition? In this article, we examine ‘foundational legitimacy,’ or a hegemonic narrative about the way in which a new state was created, and the role particular groups played in its creation. We argue that the way in which victory is institutionalized can pose a grave threat to the democratic project. If reconciliation and democratization depend of integrating losers into the new order and recognizing plural narratives of state formation, then exclusivist narratives based on foundational legitimacy pose a direct challenge to both. We focus on two Yugoslav successor states, Kosovo and Croatia. For both cases, we trace how appeals to ‘foundational legitimacy’ by groups that claim a leading role in the struggle for independence fostered a politics of exclusion, which ran counter to both the spirit of democracy. In Croatia, foundational legitimacy was partly challenged after 2000 by reformist political forces, though more recently it has re-appeared in political life. In Kosovo, foundational legitimacy was never successfully challenged and continues to shape political dynamics to the present day.

scholarly journals Strategi Defensif dan Ofensif Parpol Berbasis Massa Islam dalam Mencapai Parliamentary Threshold pada Pemilu 2014

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
National Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Psychological Approach ◽  
Defensive Strategy ◽  
Societal Issues

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.

scholarly journals Challenges to corporate governance practices: Case study of Libyan commercial banks

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hashem Iswaissi ◽  
Kazem Falahati
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Governance ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Commercial Banks ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Research Knowledge ◽  
Governance Practices

The purpose of this study is to investigate corporate governance (CG) practices in Libyan Commercial Banks (LCBs) in order to find out any essential challenges that are associated with the process of adopting CG in the LCBs which became mandatory implementation in late 2010 in Libya. This study adopts a qualitative approach by conducting semi-structured interviews to collect the required data within the framework of stakeholder and new institutional theories of CG. Five LCBs are selected as units of case studies, as well as Central Bank of Libya (CBL). The results of the findings reveal that the implementation of CG code 2010 at LCBs is still in the early stages. The weakness of supervision and absence of training, as well as a lack of knowledge and political instability; are the main challenges to LCBs in complying with good CG practices and overcoming the problems of the political economics of CG. The outcome of this study will contribute to research knowledge on CG, especially in Libyan banks, by using stakeholder and new institutional theories as a theoretical framework.

scholarly journals Muslim Tionghoa sebagai Jembatan Budaya: Studi Tentang Partisipasi dan Dinamika Organisasi PITI Yogyakarta

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Hamada Adzani Mahaswara
Keyword(s):  
Oral History ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Chinese Identity ◽  
Cultural Strategies ◽  
Chinese Ethnicity ◽  
Chinese Muslims

Socio-cultural and political changes occurred significantly in Chinese people in Indonesia after the fall of the new order. Gus Dur issued a revitalization policy of Chinese customs and beliefs as well as revoked Presidential Instruction numbered 14 of 1967. The shift in the political climate encouraged Chinese people to participate in the community, including from Chinese Muslims. Within Persatuan Islam Indonesia (PITI), they try to consolidate in order to adapt and exist. The objective of this research is to examine participatory strategy and PITI organizational dynamic in post-reformation Yogyakarta and use qualitative approach and phenomenology as a method. According to the analysis, keeping Chinese identity and being Javanese are cultural strategies in communicating Islam and methodology of adaptation. Manifested Chinese traditional elements (oral history, mythology, and philosophy) show dialogue and open-mindedness this community in the society. As a result, Chinese Muslims community plays a role as cultural broker between Chinese ethnicity and Yogyakarta Muslim society.

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