scholarly journals Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-824
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński ◽  
Vjeran Pavlaković
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Way

What are the consequences of a culture of victory in countries undergoing new state formation and democratic transition? In this article, we examine ‘foundational legitimacy,’ or a hegemonic narrative about the way in which a new state was created, and the role particular groups played in its creation. We argue that the way in which victory is institutionalized can pose a grave threat to the democratic project. If reconciliation and democratization depend of integrating losers into the new order and recognizing plural narratives of state formation, then exclusivist narratives based on foundational legitimacy pose a direct challenge to both. We focus on two Yugoslav successor states, Kosovo and Croatia. For both cases, we trace how appeals to ‘foundational legitimacy’ by groups that claim a leading role in the struggle for independence fostered a politics of exclusion, which ran counter to both the spirit of democracy. In Croatia, foundational legitimacy was partly challenged after 2000 by reformist political forces, though more recently it has re-appeared in political life. In Kosovo, foundational legitimacy was never successfully challenged and continues to shape political dynamics to the present day.

The politics of reconciliation in contemporary Croatia: from syncretism to “legitimate nationalism”

2021 ◽  
pp. 331-351
Author(s):  
Aleksandr A. Pivovarenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Way ◽  
Radical Nationalism

The process of decommunisation in Central Europe and the Balkans paved the way for new versions of traditionalist and nationalist ideologies. The specific feature of the “new” nationalism which emerged in the 1990s is a combination of radical nationalism with solidarity, which might be defined as a set of doctrinal ideas to provide for the conflict-free existence of right and left political forces within the political system of a country. A remarkable example in this regard is Croatia, which, during the stage of statehood formation in the 1990s, faced the necessity of consolidating and integrating various elite groups who had seen themselves as opponents until the mid-1980s and who had differing concepts of state formation. The emerging ideological formula was called “the politics of reconciliation”. It led to the anchoring in contemporary Croatia of discourses and patterns that were taboo in the communist period, while some significant elements of the leftist tradition were not totally dismantled. This chapter characterizes the ideological aspects of the reconciliation in Croatia, analyzes the most remarkable examples of its implementation in the first 20 years of modern Croatia's history, and analyzes the differences between right and left discourse in 2010s.

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

Building Up Belonging: Diasporic “Homecomers”, the Ghanaian Government and Traditional Rulers: A Case of Return

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaia Delpino
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Dynamic Relation ◽  
Atlantic Slave Trade ◽  
Southern Ghana ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis essay analyzes the political dynamics involved in the construction of belonging in the case of African Americans’ “return” from the diaspora generated by the Atlantic slave trade to a town in Southern Ghana. Given the articulated belief of common ancestral origins, such arrival was initially welcomed by all the three groups of actors involved: thereturnees, the local authorities, divided by a chieftaincy dispute, and the Ghanaian government that was supporting homecoming policies. The concepts of origins and kinship and the way to validate them, though, were differently conceived by the various political actors; furthermore each of them held dissimilar reasons and had different expectations behind this return. All these differences created a mutual, mutable and dynamic relation between the actors who were involved in the arrival and aimed to assert their authority.

scholarly journals The Military Coups in Shadow of Democratization (A Comparative Study of Turkey and Mauritania)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Descriptive Approach ◽  
The Military

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 

Part V Rights and Freedoms, A Litigating and Interpreting the Charter, Ch.33 The Notwithstanding Clause: Why Non-use Does Not Necessarily Equate with Abiding by Judicial Norms

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiebert Janet L
Keyword(s):  
Risk Aversion ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences

The notwithstanding clause in section 33 has always been the Charter’s most controversial provision. Although rarely invoked, a failure to use this power should not be equated with a willingness to abide by judicial norms about the Charter. This chapter analyses the political life of the notwithstanding clause. It examines the origins of the notwithstanding clause, its uses, its influence on constitutional ideals beyond Canada, and the political consequences associated with a deeply entrenched reticence to invoke the notwithstanding clause. This discussion addresses whether current reluctance to use section 33 is better explained by risk aversion than by legislative compliance with the Charter.

scholarly journals A Gendered Enterprise: Placing Nineteenth-Century Businesswomen in History

1998 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Gamber
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Small Business ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Upper Management ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Status ◽  
Large Corporations

Readers who perused a 1904 issue of the Atlantic Monthly encountered an article with the intriguing title of “The Small Business as a School of Manhood.” Largely a diatribe against the growing dominance of large corporations, it lamented the presumably inevitable passing of smaller concerns. Curiously, its author, Henry A. Stimson, placed relatively little emphasis on the economic or even the political consequences of this development. Rather, he worried that the new order, which reduced would-be entrepreneurs to the status of corporate employees, represented “the loss of something fine in manhood.” Men who inhabited the newly-created ranks of middle and upper management might lead prosperous lives but faced the loss of their selfrespect, their dignity, their “intellectual stamina.” As Stimson saw it, they had been emasculated by the rise of the corporation.

Taming the Father: John Locke's Critique of Patriarchal Fatherhood

1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Foster
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
The Bible ◽  
The Family ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Radical Character ◽  
Divine Order ◽  
The Way

This article demonstrates the radical character of Locke's attack on patriarchalism in the TwoTreatises of Government, in part by showing that that attack implies the rejection of the natural and divine order to which patriarchalism appealed to justify itself. In this way, Locke's attack on patriarchalism, which prepared the way for his individualistic liberal politics, is also shown to be an important part of his solution to the political problem of religion. Special attention is given to Locke's disagreement with the Bible concerning the family and its place in political life.

scholarly journals Stepping Into the Same River Twice? Judicial Independence in Old and New Authoritarianism

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (7) ◽  
pp. 1316-1326
Author(s):  
Zoltán Szente
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Judicial Administration ◽  
The Government

AbstractThe study seeks to answer the question of whether there are similarities between the methods used to limit judicial independence in Hungary during the last phase of the communist regime, i.e. before the democratic transition, and today, when many scholars believe that an authoritarian transition is taking place in this country. For this purpose, I argue that despite the undeniable fundamental differences between the political and legal system of these two periods, the mechanisms and ways as the independence of judiciary were and are influenced by the government can plausibly be compared. The analysis seems to support this presumption: both the formal instruments and the informal channels of influence in the hands of the ruling political forces show a number of similarities. Thus, even if there are differences in the degree of their application and result, from centralizing the system of judicial administration to replacing court leaders with politically loyal people there are a number of instruments that enable central government to influence the judiciary, while maintaining the appearance of judicial independence.

scholarly journals GAGASAN ABDURRAHMAN WAHID TENTANG PENGEMBANGAN PENDIDIKAN PESANTREN (1970-1980)

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Slamet Untung
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Educational Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
Research Show ◽  
The Way

The major problem of this article is how Abdurrahman Wahid’s ideas on developing pesantren education. It is elaborated into major sub-problems, namely the pesantren existence in the political frame of the New Order in the decades of 1970s and 1980s, Abdurrahman Wahid’s view on pesantren, and on the framework of developing pesantren education. This research is designed as qualitative one using hermeneutic and content analysis approaches. The findings of this research show that the phenomena of inability of pesantren in facing the New Order power, the policies of non pro-pesantren regime, and political suppression and systematical marginalization to pesantren done by the New Order regime in the decades of 1970s and 1980s became the factors that opened the way for the emergence of pesantren educational development ideas. Meanwhile, the common manifestations of the stagnant and apprehensive pesantren conditions were the internal factors encountered by pesantren at that time. To change these pesantren conditions, innovative ideas, namely “pesantren dynamicization” was introduced.<br />---<br /><br />Masalah utama tulisan ini adalah bagaimana gagasan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Hal ini diuraikan menjadi sub-masalah utama, yaitu keberadaan pesantren dalam kerangka politik Orde Baru dalam dekade 1970-an dan 1980an, pandangan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pesantren, dan dalam rangka pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Penelitian ini dirancang secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan analisis hermeneutik dan isi. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa fenomena ketidakmampuan pesantren dalam menghadapi kekuasaan Orde Baru, kebijakan rezim non pro-pesantren, dan penekanan politik dan marginalisasi sistemik terhadap pesantren yang dilakukan oleh rezim Orde Baru pada dekade 1970-an dan 1980 menjadi faktor yang membuka jalan bagi kemunculan gagasan pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Sementara itu, manifestasi umum dari kondisi pesantren yang stagnan dan memprihatinkan adalah faktor internal yang dihadapi pesantren saat itu. Untuk mengubah kondisi pesantren ini, maka ide inovatif, yaitu “dinamika pesantren” diperkenalkan.

scholarly journals Civilisational Foundations of Inter-elite Interaction in Modern Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
A. I. Sperkach
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Pilot Projects ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Everyday Interaction

In this article, the author emphasised the absence of stable ideological foundations in the functioning of the Russian elites and the consequences of such a situation both in general and in particular issues of the socio-political life of our country The everyday interaction of the ruling and non-ruling elites (the subordinate and in many respects even the  powerless position of the latter) is viewed as traditional for Russia, having historical positive and negative consequences In particular, the weakening of the political, administrative power and will of the political centre almost invariably provokes an open revolt of local and non-ruling elites against it An increase in friction at the present stage between the federal centre and regional elites is noted, which can potentially have serious negative political consequences The idea is rejected that bring to the fore the achievement of certain economic indicators within the framework of tactical pilot projects devoid of integral ideological foundations The conflict between Russia and the West (the ideology of globalism) the author interpreted as ideological; its material aspects are of a secondary nature In the author’s opinion, this or that form of ideocracy will deterministically prevail in Russia; the only question is what ideology and values will be the basis for it.

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