scholarly journals Stories Behind a Minuscule Chinese Chip

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Pedro Antonio Dourado de Rezende

We begin by examining the context of a political media campaign launched in October of 2018 in the scope of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization military alliance, aimed at disseminating among IT managers, with backing from general public opinion, perceptions of new risks in the use of electronic microchips fabricated by Chinese companies, for use in sensitive computational platforms.  We then contrast theses actions, which occur at the intersection of psychological and informational cyber fronts of the contemporary form of warfare (hybrid, 4th generation), with a similar type of risks inherent to the model for informatization of the federalized electoral process in Brazil, chosen more than twenty years ago and since frozen. Such contrast signals the presence of some form of geopolitical and/or ideological filtering, active in the mapping and evaluation of risks through scientific, legal and lay narratives on cibersecurity, regarding either embedded systems for military use, such as in weapons’ controls, or for civilian purposes, such as in electronic voting systems.

1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Woodliffe

History suggests that a military alliance will rarely survive major political change that results in the disappearance of the original danger that the alliance was first set up to combat. Since 1989 the reshaping of the political and strategic map of Europe has proceeded on a scale and at a pace such as to give rise to an expectation that the North Atlantic Alliance would become a victim of historical inevitability and thus be either formally dissolved or left to atrophy. Instead, the North Atlantic Alliance has embarked on a root and branch transformation of its structures, procedures and strategies for the twenty-first century. What is equally remarkable is that these changes have been accommodated within the framework of the original text of the North Atlantic Treaty drawn up in 1949,1thus obviating the need for large-scale formal amendment.


1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 821-840 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Holmes

In confronting any question about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the late sixties one is uncomfortably aware of insistent questioning as to how much it all matters. Is NATO a device to meet horizontal challenges when the new challenges are vertical? Is “the West,” whatever that is, defending the Elbe when the struggle is going on in its own streets? These challenges from within are not the subversion directed from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics which NATO subcommittees had always taken into their calculations. Insofar as they are Communist in inspiration at all, they are the consequences of the disruption of the Muscovite International. What makes them serious is that they have their roots in Western society itself. Perhaps the West has been too much preoccupied with interstate relations and the creation of superstates when the essential problems are internal—not isolated national phenomena certainly, but eruptions which ignore boundaries, in some cases intensely nationalistic and at the same time dedicated to removing the barriers between peoples. The new rebels are deeply skeptical of that “way of life” the West has insisted it was defending through NATO and believe nothing could be more irrelevant than a military alliance to defend it.


Author(s):  
Stefanie von Hlatky

As a political-military alliance, NATO’s adoption of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda presents a unique and interesting case study. This chapter sheds light on the process undertaken by the Alliance to institutionalize the gender norms enshrined in UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and follow-on resolutions, through an assessment of its policies, guidelines, and appointments. The research reveals that there is a disconnect between NATO’s organizational approach to gender mainstreaming and the fact that individual member states and partners have their own WPS frameworks and national action plans. Once again, NATO coordination proves that this two-level game presents challenges for the harmonization of standards alliance wide.


Author(s):  
Hill Steven

This chapter focuses on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which is a political-military alliance that currently includes thirty Allied Nations. NATO Allies deal with a wide range of peace and security issues. NATO also cooperates with a wide range of partners in the broader Euro–Atlantic neighbourhood and across the globe. Its foundational document is the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty. The chapter then reviews the Treaty’s principal provisions to illustrate the general international legal framework in which NATO operates, the scope of its activities, and how and where it places the emphasis in its day-to-day work. It describes NATO’s role as a global security actor, reviewing NATO’s mission and mandate, its institutional structure, and its current priorities.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Wenger

This article discusses how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) overcame the challenged posed by France in the mid to late 1960s. French President Charles de Gaulle's decision to withdraw France's remaining forces from NATO's integrated military commands, and his visit to Moscow shortly thereafter, exposed the alliance to unprecedented tension. Yet as NATO moved toward a crisis, opportunities arose to define a new vision for the alliance in a time of détente. Trilateral talks among the United States, Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany forged a consensus on strategy, force levels, burden sharing, and nuclear consultation a consensus that was endorsed by the other member-states. The Harmel exercise in 1967 restored NATO's political purpose, expanding its political role as an instrument of peace. By 1968 NATO had evolved into a less hierarchical military alliance of fourteen and a more political and participatory alliance offifteen (including France). This successful transformation of NATO moved the process of détente from the bilateral superpower accommodation of 1963 to the multilateral European rapprochement of the 1970s.


1892 ◽  
Vol 34 (872supp) ◽  
pp. 13940-13941
Author(s):  
Richard Beynon

1957 ◽  
Vol 104 (4S) ◽  
pp. 51-59
Author(s):  
G.W. Meszaros ◽  
H.H. Spencer

2019 ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Oleh Poshedin

The purpose of the article is to describe the changes NATO undergoing in response to the challenges of our time. Today NATO, as a key element of European and Euro-Atlantic security, is adapting to changes in the modern security environment by increasing its readiness and ability to respond to any threat. Adaptation measures include the components required to ensure that the Alliance can fully address the security challenges it might face. Responsiveness NATO Response Force enhanced by developing force packages that are able to move rapidly and respond to potential challenges and threats. As part of it, was established a Very High Readiness Joint Task Force, a new Allied joint force that deploy within a few days to respond to challenges that arise, particularly at the periphery of NATO’s territory. NATO emphasizes, that cyber defence is part of NATO’s core task of collective defence. A decision as to when a cyber attack would lead to the invocation of Article 5 would be taken by the North Atlantic Council on a case-by-case basis. Cooperation with NATO already contributes to the implementation of national security and defense in state policy. At the same time, taking into account that all decision-making in NATO based on consensus, Ukraine’s membership in the Alliance quite vague perspective. In such circumstances, in Ukraine you often can hear the idea of announcement of a neutral status. It is worth reminding that non-aligned status did not save Ukraine from Russian aggression. Neutral status will not accomplish it either. All talks about neutrality and the impossibility of Ukraine joining NATO are nothing but manipulations, as well as recognition of the Ukrainian territory as Russian Federation area of influence (this country seeks to sabotage the Euro-Atlantic movement of Ukraine). Think about it, Moldova’s Neutrality is enshrined in the country’s Constitution since 1994. However, this did not help Moldova to restore its territorial integrity and to force Russia to withdraw its troops and armaments from Transnistria.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document