scholarly journals "RUSHNYK-TOWEL OF NATIONAL UNITY" AS A CULTURAL AND CONSOLIDATING FACTOR OF UKRAINIANS

2018 ◽  
pp. 148-150
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Sorochuk

The question of the functioning of the ethnocultural tradition in the post-colonial period is considered, which is a significant factor in the unification of the Ukrainian nation. The article focuses on the fact that folk art, namely the manufacturing and embroidery of a towel, is an embodiment of the ideals of folk thinking and ideological foundations, where symbols-amulets of our people are coded for many centuries. Attention is drawn to the peculiarity and widespread use of a towel as an amulet to many ritual acts of family and calendar ceremonies. The organizational measures and carrying out of modern cultural projects in independent Ukraine, which prompt the revival of folk traditions in the post-colonial period, are explored. A vivid example was the All-Ukrainian cultural and artistic, sociopolitical project "Towel of national unity" as a consolidating factor for uniting Ukrainian society. The role of the handmade artwork (more than one and a half thousand masters were attached to the manufacturing and embroidery of a towel) was evaluated in the awakening of national consciousness and patriotism. It was noted that the citizens and representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora, people of different nationalities and religious denominations, men and women of all ages, and even children, participated in this cultural and patriotic action. All participants of the cultural activity united one goal - to create a guard for Ukraine "Towel of national unity". This Towel can really be called the symbol of Ukraine's unification, because this is a self-organized cultural event, aimed to unite and indivisible all regions of our state, uniting of Ukrainians both in Ukraine and abroad. It is shown on a concrete example how people can unite around the idea, show their creativity, opportunities and realize it in life. It is proved that the ethno-cultural heritage of Ukrainians undoubtedly influences the development of the national culture and supports the ethno-cultural policy aimed at uniting Ukrainian society.

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa

Traditional leaders have been at the centre of controversy from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The recognition of traditional leaders by the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in Zimbabwe has been controversial. Since 1999, the ZANU-PF government has been facing a serious political crises and an increasingly powerful opposition party (Movement for Democratic Change). Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other things recognizes the role of the institution of traditional leadership which operates alongside modern state structures. While recognizing the role and status of the institution, the Constitution strictly regulates the conduct of traditional leaders.


Urban History ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUCE BEECKMANS ◽  
LIORA BIGON

ABSTRACTThis article traces the planning history of two central marketplaces in sub-Saharan Africa, in Dakar and Kinshasa, from their French and Belgian colonial origins until the post-colonial period. In the (post-)colonial city, the marketplace has always been at the centre of contemporary debates on urban identity and spatial production. Using a rich variety of sources, this article makes a contribution to a neglected area of scholarship, as comparative studies on planning histories in sub-Saharan African cities are still rare. It also touches upon some key issues such as the multiple and often intricate processes of urban agency between local and foreign actors, sanitation and segregation, the different (post-)colonial planning cultures and their limits and the role of indigenous/intermediary groups in spatial contestation and reappropriation.


2010 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.S. Mlambo

This study seeks to trace the role of race in the evolution of the land question in Zimbabwe from Occupation to the ‘fast-track land reform programme’ of 2000 and beyond to explore the extent to which the era of colonial domination made the racialization of the land issue in the post-colonial period almost unavoidable. It contends that Mugabe’s use of race to justify the campaign to drive whites from the land from 2000 onwards was facilitated (in part) by the fact that race had always been used by the colonial authorities as a decisive factor in land acquisition and allocation throughout the colonial period and that using the alleged superiority of the white race, colonial authorities alienated African land for themselves without either negotiating with the indigenous authorities or paying for the land. Consequently, Mugabe’s charge that the land had been stolen and needed to be retaken clearly resonated with some segments of the Zimbabwean population enough to get them to actively participate in the land invasions of the time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Naifa Al Mtairi

This paper highlights Edward Said’s ideology for discerning literary texts that followed the colonial period as a post-colonial discourse. Though some scholars disapprove that notion, Said holds the view that literature is a product of contested social and economic relationships. The West attempts to represent the East and consequently dominates it, not only for knowledge but for political power as well. He assures the worldliness of texts and their interferences with disciplines, cultures and history. Thus, the post-colonial critic should consider the post-colonial literature that might take the form of traditional European literature or the role of the migrant writer in portraying the experience of their countries. The pot-colonial theory with its focus on the misrepresentation of the colonized by the colonizer and the former’s attitude of resistance, draws new lines for literature and suggests a way of reading which resists imperialist ideologies.


Author(s):  
Ruth Ginio

Continuities of military structures and of protagonists within these structures are a particularly important aspect of the process of transforming colonial domination into the uneven partnerships of the post-colonial period. Ruth Ginio discusses in this context the role of the so-called tirailleurs sénégalais (becoming soldats africains), West African (veteran) soldiers mobilized by the French for service during the Second World War and the wars in Indochina and Algeria. Ginio shows that the necessities of the anticolonial revolts and widespread discontent among African soldiers in the aftermath of the campaigns in Europe in 1944/45, led to a strategic reorganization of the treatment of these individuals. Notably, the author analyses the contribution of French propaganda in the context of psychological action. The French military employed audiovisual means, namely cinema, to influence the African soldiers. Another aspect of this complex relationship was the priority given to attempts at separating the African units from the local populations during the campaigns – a strategy that did not work out in all cases. By the end of the colonial period, the experience of these various methods had, as Ginio argues, qualitatively changed the attitudes of African veterans. The latter would retain a bond to the military officers of the former colonial power beyond the threshold of independence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Otokpom Charles Asuk

The evolution of contemporary Kalabari society reflects the contour of a historical progression of a people who struggled to manage the competing forces of unity and disunity in their existence. As a polity, it evolved from a fishing village to a city-state, to an empire, and to a republic or confederacy. This work examines the role of Oruwari-Briggs House in this evolutionary trajectory from the pre-colonial through the colonial to the post-colonial period. Methodologically, the work adopts the political economy approach. From oral and archival sources, published and unpublished works, the study demonstrates that the Oruwari-Briggs House played a strategic role in the inter-house rivalry, the formation of groups, and political alliances that culminated in the disintegration of Elem Kalabari, movement of populations to new settlements, the transformation of traditional political institutions, and the emergence of multiple centers of power symbolized by the existence of Amayanapu in contemporary Kalabari as against an Amayanabo for the entire polity in the pre-colonial period.


English in Malaysia has undergone several phases since it entered the country during the colonial period in the early nineteenth century. During the colonial period, English was used mainly for communicating between the colonialists and traders. English was the official language together with Malay when the country attained independence in 1957. However, it lost its status as an official language after ten years, in 1967, when Malay was made the sole official language. The medium of instruction which had been English gradually changed to Malay during the 1970s and 1980s with a deliberate reduction of the role of English in schools. In later years, nevertheless, there was official promotion of English arising from Malay being already firmly established as the national language and the need to keep abreast with global and regional changes. The status of English has, thus, shifted several times throughout the country’s post-colonial period. While it became the “second most important language” nationally and politically, there emerged some variation in its status in some domains, in speech vs writing and, of course, among individuals. Dynamic changes in Malaysian English have also taken place. This paper examines the developments in terms of the status of English in Malaysia, including terms like ‘EFL’ and ‘ESL’ which have been used, and discusses if they are still adequate. We will show how the status of English and the contexts of its uses have changed and why a single term, say ‘second language’, is of little use and has been throughout its history. We will conclude with tentative propositions of what might happen in the future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-261
Author(s):  
Surya Prakash Upadhyay

South Asian countries have a lot of commonalities exhibited through socio-political and economic situations. The cultural as well as political dynamics within the countries form more or less a similar pattern. These are closely related to colonial pasts, post-colonial histories, polyethnic population, political leadership and governance. These commonalities are also related to political instability, ethnic violence and a greater role of religion in the formation of secular democracies. Scholars have observed that in the post-colonial period, religion has played an important role in political formations in South Asian countries. This article looks at political situations, since the early 1950s, and traces the trajectory of religions’ association in formation of secular democracies in these countries. The article looks at available literature on South Asia and discusses two key ideas: how and why religion and politics are intertwined in South Asian countries, and ramifications of such association in the expansion of secular democracy. The article argues that religion has always been a potent force in South Asian countries and secularisation, in the Western sense, has never been achieved. Therefore, formations of secular democracy take different trajectories in South Asia.


2020 ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Serhiy Hrabovsky

The article is devoted to one of the manifestations of Oles` Honchar's legacy – his understanding of the colonial status of Ukraine in the Russian Empire and the USSR and outlining this status as a source of external and internal conflicts. The author refers to Honchar's "Diaries", published at the beginning of the XXI century, in which for more than half a century Honchar wrote down, along with observations and sketches for literary works, ideas and conclusions of the conceptual plan. In particular, there are the nature of Russian and Soviet colonialism, the totalitarian system, the deliberate destruction of Ukrainian national culture, repression of the national intelligentsia, the decline of the traditions of the Ukrainian elite, and at the same time the resistance of Ukrainians to the totalitarianimperial system. The article focuses on the connection between the two main problems considered by Oles` Honchar – the imperial rise of Russia-USSR and the colonial status of Ukraine as part of this superpower; problems, which, in turn, have caused (and still cause) conflicts of various kinds both within Ukrainian society and around it. The author traces the evolution of Honchar's views on the problems of Russian imperialism, its Soviet continuation, the colonial state of Ukraine and the resulting social and political conflicts. The article describes both Oles` Honchar's personal opposition to all these factors and the paradigms of socio-cultural and political activity proposed by him, which can play an important role in the decolonization of Ukraine. The author argues that Honchar's intellectual heritage remains relevant to this day, but it is, unfortunately, not in demand by candidates for the role of the country's political elite.


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