scholarly journals Oruwari-Briggs house and the evolution of contemporary Kalabari society

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Otokpom Charles Asuk

The evolution of contemporary Kalabari society reflects the contour of a historical progression of a people who struggled to manage the competing forces of unity and disunity in their existence. As a polity, it evolved from a fishing village to a city-state, to an empire, and to a republic or confederacy. This work examines the role of Oruwari-Briggs House in this evolutionary trajectory from the pre-colonial through the colonial to the post-colonial period. Methodologically, the work adopts the political economy approach. From oral and archival sources, published and unpublished works, the study demonstrates that the Oruwari-Briggs House played a strategic role in the inter-house rivalry, the formation of groups, and political alliances that culminated in the disintegration of Elem Kalabari, movement of populations to new settlements, the transformation of traditional political institutions, and the emergence of multiple centers of power symbolized by the existence of Amayanapu in contemporary Kalabari as against an Amayanabo for the entire polity in the pre-colonial period.

Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa

Traditional leaders have been at the centre of controversy from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The recognition of traditional leaders by the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in Zimbabwe has been controversial. Since 1999, the ZANU-PF government has been facing a serious political crises and an increasingly powerful opposition party (Movement for Democratic Change). Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other things recognizes the role of the institution of traditional leadership which operates alongside modern state structures. While recognizing the role and status of the institution, the Constitution strictly regulates the conduct of traditional leaders.


Urban History ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUCE BEECKMANS ◽  
LIORA BIGON

ABSTRACTThis article traces the planning history of two central marketplaces in sub-Saharan Africa, in Dakar and Kinshasa, from their French and Belgian colonial origins until the post-colonial period. In the (post-)colonial city, the marketplace has always been at the centre of contemporary debates on urban identity and spatial production. Using a rich variety of sources, this article makes a contribution to a neglected area of scholarship, as comparative studies on planning histories in sub-Saharan African cities are still rare. It also touches upon some key issues such as the multiple and often intricate processes of urban agency between local and foreign actors, sanitation and segregation, the different (post-)colonial planning cultures and their limits and the role of indigenous/intermediary groups in spatial contestation and reappropriation.


2010 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.S. Mlambo

This study seeks to trace the role of race in the evolution of the land question in Zimbabwe from Occupation to the ‘fast-track land reform programme’ of 2000 and beyond to explore the extent to which the era of colonial domination made the racialization of the land issue in the post-colonial period almost unavoidable. It contends that Mugabe’s use of race to justify the campaign to drive whites from the land from 2000 onwards was facilitated (in part) by the fact that race had always been used by the colonial authorities as a decisive factor in land acquisition and allocation throughout the colonial period and that using the alleged superiority of the white race, colonial authorities alienated African land for themselves without either negotiating with the indigenous authorities or paying for the land. Consequently, Mugabe’s charge that the land had been stolen and needed to be retaken clearly resonated with some segments of the Zimbabwean population enough to get them to actively participate in the land invasions of the time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Naifa Al Mtairi

This paper highlights Edward Said’s ideology for discerning literary texts that followed the colonial period as a post-colonial discourse. Though some scholars disapprove that notion, Said holds the view that literature is a product of contested social and economic relationships. The West attempts to represent the East and consequently dominates it, not only for knowledge but for political power as well. He assures the worldliness of texts and their interferences with disciplines, cultures and history. Thus, the post-colonial critic should consider the post-colonial literature that might take the form of traditional European literature or the role of the migrant writer in portraying the experience of their countries. The pot-colonial theory with its focus on the misrepresentation of the colonized by the colonizer and the former’s attitude of resistance, draws new lines for literature and suggests a way of reading which resists imperialist ideologies.


2018 ◽  
pp. 148-150
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Sorochuk

The question of the functioning of the ethnocultural tradition in the post-colonial period is considered, which is a significant factor in the unification of the Ukrainian nation. The article focuses on the fact that folk art, namely the manufacturing and embroidery of a towel, is an embodiment of the ideals of folk thinking and ideological foundations, where symbols-amulets of our people are coded for many centuries. Attention is drawn to the peculiarity and widespread use of a towel as an amulet to many ritual acts of family and calendar ceremonies. The organizational measures and carrying out of modern cultural projects in independent Ukraine, which prompt the revival of folk traditions in the post-colonial period, are explored. A vivid example was the All-Ukrainian cultural and artistic, sociopolitical project "Towel of national unity" as a consolidating factor for uniting Ukrainian society. The role of the handmade artwork (more than one and a half thousand masters were attached to the manufacturing and embroidery of a towel) was evaluated in the awakening of national consciousness and patriotism. It was noted that the citizens and representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora, people of different nationalities and religious denominations, men and women of all ages, and even children, participated in this cultural and patriotic action. All participants of the cultural activity united one goal - to create a guard for Ukraine "Towel of national unity". This Towel can really be called the symbol of Ukraine's unification, because this is a self-organized cultural event, aimed to unite and indivisible all regions of our state, uniting of Ukrainians both in Ukraine and abroad. It is shown on a concrete example how people can unite around the idea, show their creativity, opportunities and realize it in life. It is proved that the ethno-cultural heritage of Ukrainians undoubtedly influences the development of the national culture and supports the ethno-cultural policy aimed at uniting Ukrainian society.


Author(s):  
Christian Bjørnskov ◽  
Martin Rode

Abstract Claims that colonial political institutions fundamentally affected the probability for democratic governance in the post-colonial period are probably among some of the most contested in institutional analysis. The current paper revisits this literature using a previously unused source of empirical information – the Statesman's Yearbook – on a large number of non-sovereign countries in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Our analysis shows that neither the size of the European population nor the existence of institutions of higher education appear to be important for the subsequent democratisation of countries decolonised during the latter half of the 20th century, while the existence of representative political bodies during the late colonial period clearly predicts the existence and stability of democracy in recent decades. Successful transplants of democracy to former colonies thus seem to crucially depend on whether recipients had time available to experiment around and adjust the imported institutions to local practices.


Author(s):  
Ruth Ginio

Continuities of military structures and of protagonists within these structures are a particularly important aspect of the process of transforming colonial domination into the uneven partnerships of the post-colonial period. Ruth Ginio discusses in this context the role of the so-called tirailleurs sénégalais (becoming soldats africains), West African (veteran) soldiers mobilized by the French for service during the Second World War and the wars in Indochina and Algeria. Ginio shows that the necessities of the anticolonial revolts and widespread discontent among African soldiers in the aftermath of the campaigns in Europe in 1944/45, led to a strategic reorganization of the treatment of these individuals. Notably, the author analyses the contribution of French propaganda in the context of psychological action. The French military employed audiovisual means, namely cinema, to influence the African soldiers. Another aspect of this complex relationship was the priority given to attempts at separating the African units from the local populations during the campaigns – a strategy that did not work out in all cases. By the end of the colonial period, the experience of these various methods had, as Ginio argues, qualitatively changed the attitudes of African veterans. The latter would retain a bond to the military officers of the former colonial power beyond the threshold of independence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-130
Author(s):  
Muhammad Saleem ◽  
Saiful Islam

The problem of national integration can be found mostly in the developing countries. The post-colonial period holds great significance in this connection. The governments of those countries did introduce different kinds of strategies to ensure national integration but failed. National integration is a big issue in Pakistan and the main reason is multi-cultural society having conflicting ethno-linguistic interests. No ruler or government seems to have honestly tried to resolve this turbulent issue. All groups living in Pakistan have many kinds of grievances. The unfair distribution of wealth is faced by all groups. The state espoused authoritarian policy to establish its position and power. Baluchistan has natural gas but is the poorest province. Similarly, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa produces electricity of Pakistan but faces more load shedding than other provinces. As for as the attainment and maintenance of national integration are concerned, provincial autonomy and strong federal institutions are the prerequisites. Only those countries have achieved national integration in the post-colonial period who have adopted pluralistic and rejected assimilationist approach. Strengthening of political institutions and federal system can redress the grievances of the oppressed groups. In this paper the researcher has tried to discuss implications of ethno-linguistic politics on national integration in Pakistan.


English in Malaysia has undergone several phases since it entered the country during the colonial period in the early nineteenth century. During the colonial period, English was used mainly for communicating between the colonialists and traders. English was the official language together with Malay when the country attained independence in 1957. However, it lost its status as an official language after ten years, in 1967, when Malay was made the sole official language. The medium of instruction which had been English gradually changed to Malay during the 1970s and 1980s with a deliberate reduction of the role of English in schools. In later years, nevertheless, there was official promotion of English arising from Malay being already firmly established as the national language and the need to keep abreast with global and regional changes. The status of English has, thus, shifted several times throughout the country’s post-colonial period. While it became the “second most important language” nationally and politically, there emerged some variation in its status in some domains, in speech vs writing and, of course, among individuals. Dynamic changes in Malaysian English have also taken place. This paper examines the developments in terms of the status of English in Malaysia, including terms like ‘EFL’ and ‘ESL’ which have been used, and discusses if they are still adequate. We will show how the status of English and the contexts of its uses have changed and why a single term, say ‘second language’, is of little use and has been throughout its history. We will conclude with tentative propositions of what might happen in the future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-261
Author(s):  
Surya Prakash Upadhyay

South Asian countries have a lot of commonalities exhibited through socio-political and economic situations. The cultural as well as political dynamics within the countries form more or less a similar pattern. These are closely related to colonial pasts, post-colonial histories, polyethnic population, political leadership and governance. These commonalities are also related to political instability, ethnic violence and a greater role of religion in the formation of secular democracies. Scholars have observed that in the post-colonial period, religion has played an important role in political formations in South Asian countries. This article looks at political situations, since the early 1950s, and traces the trajectory of religions’ association in formation of secular democracies in these countries. The article looks at available literature on South Asia and discusses two key ideas: how and why religion and politics are intertwined in South Asian countries, and ramifications of such association in the expansion of secular democracy. The article argues that religion has always been a potent force in South Asian countries and secularisation, in the Western sense, has never been achieved. Therefore, formations of secular democracy take different trajectories in South Asia.


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