UKRAINIAN EMIGRE TRANSLATORS’ ACTIVITY IN WEST GERMANY AFTER WORLD WAR II

2019 ◽  
pp. 150-160
Author(s):  
Maria Ivanytska

The article provides an insight into the work of cultural activists in Germany in the post-war decades. It delineates the following groups of translators and popularizers of Ukrainian literature in West Germany: 1) German speakers: Halychyna descendant Hans Koch and Elisabeth Kottmeier, the wife of the Ukrainian poet Igor Kosteckyj; 2) the Ukrainian scholars who began their activity before the war: Dmytro (Dimitrij) Tschižeswskij, Iwan Mirtschuk; 3) representatives of the younger wave of emigration – Jurij Bojko-Blochyn, Olexa and Anna-Halja Horbatsch, Igor Kostetskyj, Mychahlo Orest, Jurij Kossatsch and others. The author reflects on the question whether or not the post-war Ukrainian emigration was integrated into a wider context of German culture. This is analyzed from the vantage point of the Western European reader’s/ literary critic’s readiness for the reception of Ukrainian literature. Among the first promoters of Ukrainian literature was the Artistic Ukrainian Movement (Munich), whose member of the board, Jurij Kossatsch, published the first review of the then contemporary Ukrainian literature in the German language “Ukrainische Literatur der Gegenwart” (1947). The author analyzes the first collection of translations of Ukrainian poetry “Gelb und Blau: Moderne ukrainische Dichtung in Auswahl” (“Yellow and Blue: Selected Contemporary Ukrainian Poetry”) compiled by Wolodimir Derzhawin, who condemned the persecution and extermination of poets in the USSR, criticized proletarian literature and the choice of authors. The preface by Derzhavin testified to the conviction of Ukrainian emigrants that free Ukrainian literature could flourish only in the exile. The work of the translators’ tandem of Igor Kosteckyj and Elisabeth Kottmeier is further described. The chronological and quantitative comparison of scholarly publications on Ukrainian literature in the then West Germany revealed that one of the major accomplishments of the Ukrainian diaspora was the transition from the complete lack to a gradual increase of interest in the aforementioned subject. The article emphasizes the significance of the translating activity of Anna-Halja Horbatsch aimed at introducing Ukrainian literature to the German Slavic Studies scholars along with ordinary readers. This was made possible when large collections of translations “Blauer November. Ukrainische Erzähler unseres Jahrhunderts” (Blue November: Ukrainian writers of this century) and “Ein Brunnen für Durstige “ (“The Well for the Thirsty”) were out, and in the 90’s – when the publishing house specializing in translations from Ukrainian literature was founded. The Soviets’ negative reaction to those and previous publications is perceived as a manifestation of the political engagement of socialist literary criticism. Conclusion: Anna-Halja Horbatsch’ contribution to the systematic acquaintance of the West German reader with modern Ukrainian literature is by far the most significant due to her numerous translations, scholarly articles, and critical reviews.

Author(s):  
Norma Rudinsky

This paper resulted from an attempt to explore factors determining or underlying the "Marxificalion" of Slovak literature after 1945-- an attempt motivated by a hunch that certain Marxisl-Leninisl principles had provided a different insight into Slovak literature from that provided by the liberal, democratic "aesthetic appreciation" school of criticism in prewar Czechoslovakia. The idea that Slovak literary criticism has thrived, relatively, since World War II is by no means new and was advanced, for example, by emigre crilics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 290-307
Author(s):  
I. D. Popov

The formation of the Minister Presidents of the German states conferences institution after the end of World War II until the end of 1947 is traced. For the fi time in Russian and post-Soviet historiography, the importance of interzonal meetings of heads of regional governments for the political development of Germany in the fi post-war years is shown. The results of the conferences in Stuttgart (February 6, April 3, 1946), Bremen (February 28 — March 1, 1946), Munich (June 6—7, 1947) and Wiesbaden (February 17, June 15—16, October 22, 1947 of the year) are considered. It is concluded that the experience of these meetings and, at the same time, the weak effectiveness of the inter-party dialogue persuaded the Western allies in December 1947 to choose the conference of Minister Presidents as the main negotiating platform with German politicians on the future constitution of West Germany. On the basis of published and archival documentary sources, the transformation of the conferences of Minister Presidents from consultative appendages of military administrations into an infl political structure claiming national representation is shown. At the same time, this infl according to the author of the article, was subject to serious restrictions from not only military administrations, but also party leaders.


2021 ◽  
pp. 139-151
Author(s):  
Mariusz Janik

In the first post-war years, the policy of the Western occupying powers towards Germany was aimed at preventing the economic revival of their former formidable competitor. As a result of these efforts, West Germany rebuilt its economy to the pre-war level later than Great Britain or France. The undoubted shift in the economic development of West Germany began in mid-1948. The impetus for the rapid growth of industrial production was the monetary reform carried out by the Western occupying powers, as well as the inflow of funds under the Marshall Plan. The monetary reform carried out in June 1948 favoured the strengthening of the financial market and was an incentive to invest. The influx of capital under the Marshall Plan had a similar impact on the West Germany’s economy during this period. The western zones of Germany played a special role in this plan. The United States, striving to strengthen its position in these zones as much as possible and use them as a strategic base (aimed, inter alia, against the communist bloc), provided West Germany with a sum of loans and subsidies significantly exceeding the amount of aid provided to other Western European countries. An extremely serious burden for the Western occupation zones was the influx of refugees from neighbouring areas (a total of about 10 million people) and the need to maintain the occupation troops, which directly led to a huge deficit in food resources. Agricultural production fell and ranged only from 66% to 75% of the pre-war production level.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Vanja Avsenak

The purpose of this article is to present the reception of Sinclair Lewis's novels by Slovene critics. Initially, the article focuses on the life and workof Sinclair Lewis, giving special emphasis to social influences that made the author a representative figure in the literary and social world. Thus his works are nowadays to be understood primarily as fiction, but on the other hand also as sociological documents of a social and political situation of the period between the two world wars. Generally, the effect they produce is one of a critical discussion of the nation of the United States. When speaking of the social relevance that Lewis's novels have, it is obvious that his works are the portrayals of Americans and their deficiencies. At the time of their publication Lewis's novels received unfavourable criticism on accountof his overly open pro-European attitude and Slovene critics of the period before World War II emphasise this in much detail. It was precisely this anti-American propaganda in the novels themselves and sincerity on the part of the novelist that won the European critics as well as the readers whenit came to appreciating his works. However, Lewis's view of the Americans, as presented throughout his works, only enhanced his literary credibility as a modern writer. That is why the articles by Slovene critics that appeared after the Second World War, and even more significantly after Lewis's death, almost minutely reflect a more favourable attitude to Sinclair Lewis, which was also the case with foreign literary criticism of the post-war period. Critics still discuss the qualities and flaws of Lewis's novels, but being more lenient they no longer profess that the novels lack in artistic value. They remain, however, primarily relevant as social documents of the pre- and post-war era, which fully presented the American middle-class mentality in America and elsewhere. For this reason, the Nobel Prize for Literature awarded to Sinclair Lewis in 1930 seems duly justified. It signifies appreciation and respect that the American and European readers as well as critics used to have and still have for Sinclair Lewis. Therefore, it is no surprise that his novels are being translated in several foreign languages even in modern times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (3) ◽  
pp. 735-771
Author(s):  
Maja Lukanc

Diplomacy provides a unique insight into the socio-political circumstances of individual countries. Through their reports, analyses, and interpretations, diplomats shape a modicum of knowledge about the state in which they operate. Based on Yugoslav and Polish archival materials and memorial literature, the following contribution explores how diplomats from both countries contributed to the knowledge about Yugoslavia and Poland in the first years after World War II. The article takes into account the factors that influenced the production of knowledge in diplomacy and answers the question of whether the Yugoslav and Polish political decision-makers applied the newly acquired knowledge and how. The first post-war elections in both countries serve as a case study: they allowed diplomats to gain an insight into the operations of the local political elites; shed light on the attitude of the population towards the new authorities; and answered the question of how far the communists were willing to go in their struggle for power.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-113
Author(s):  
K. Luisa Gandolfo

For centuries, Jerusalem has been revered as the holy site of Judaism, Christianity,and Islam; strategically coveted as a means to consolidate territorialgains; and conquered thirty-seven times between its foundation and thesequestering of its ancient hub by Israeli forces during the Six-Day War. Asthe region underwent significant change after World War II, the Holy Cityincreasingly became contested. While the Palestinians nurtured concernsregarding land sales and the escalating influx of Jewish settlers, their apprehension became lost amidst the tussle for authority between Transjordan,which sought to affirm its role as custodian of the holy places, and the nascentstate of Israel, which strove to strengthen its presence in the city. Chartingthe endeavors of KingAbdullah and KingHussein to assert Transjordan’sauthority over Jerusalemdespite international and Israeli rivalry, Katz affordsa unique insight into the multifarious means used to court its residentsthrough events, banknotes, and stamps between 1948 and 1967.Over the course of seven chapters, the author imbues the text with illuminatingfigures and maps. Most notable is the 1946 “Palestinian Aid”stamp series initiated during the Bludan Conference in June 1946, duringwhich Abdullah directed member states of the Arab League “to issue aPalestinian stamp whose revenue would be earmarked for Palestine” (p. 56).Yet Abdullah’s pro-active stance – the Jordanian Parliament implementedthe Arab League resolution on 22 July 1946, followed by the “AdditionalStamps Law” Temporary Law 20 of the same year – was ultimately marredby his series of surreptitious meetings with the JewishAgency. Despite thisduplicity, the merit of stamps in preserving stable relations with thePalestinians is adeptly demonstrated throughout the chapter. Similarly, thepolitical nuances behind postcards depicting King Hussein and GamalAbdul Nasser affectionately united over the Dome of the Rock, as well as anadditional series of stamps celebrating Pope Paul VI’s pilgrimage to theHoly Land in 1964, serve as visual reminders of Jordan’s tentative grip onauthority during the post-war period and the ever-present desire to retainamicable relations with neighboring leaders ...


Author(s):  
Kathrin Bachleitner

This chapter places collective memory at the basis of a country’s identity and posits that memory returns from the international sphere to the domestic environment. In the course of this process, memory moves from being an official strategy to becoming part of the wider public identity. Memory’s impact thus transforms from a direct, active opportunity to an indirect, passive constraint for policymakers. Notably, as identity, collective memory is unexamined, and assumed to underwrite the mindset of a country’s public and its representatives. To illustrate this transformation, this chapter looks to the cases of West Germany and Austria in the second post-war decade. The ‘critical situation’ for analysis arrived in 1961 in the form of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann’s trial in Jerusalem. The West German and Austrian reactions to the trial demonstrate that by the early 1960s these countries had come to view their role in World War II through the lens of a pre-existing national narrative in almost entirely unexamined ways.


2018 ◽  
Vol 143 ◽  
pp. 387-401
Author(s):  
Eva Teshajev Sunderland

Ausgehend von der Tatsache, dass Sprachwörterbücher ebenfalls einen Einblick in die Zeitgeschichte und somit in politische, gesellschaftliche und kulturelle Aspekte geben, werden im vorliegenden Beitrag die zur Veranschaulichung der Stichwörter verwendeten Belegbeispiele aus ausgewählten Lemmastrecken A, B, C, Ć, K, Z, Ź und Ż des einsprachigen polnischen Wörterbuchs Słownik języka polskiego 1958–1969 daraufhin untersucht, welches Bild sie von den Deutschen und den deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen in der Nachkriegszeit transportieren. Dabei konnte festgestellt werden, dass das Thema Deutschland zwar nur selten im Wörterbuchs auftaucht, die vorhandenen Belegbeispiele mit Deutschenbezug jedoch ein negatives Deutschenbild, das tatsächlich im Nachkriegspolen präsent war, vermitteln. References to recent history in dictionaries. How German-Polish relations are reflected in the Słownik języka polskiego 1958–1969, edited by Witold Doroszewski, with regard to World War II and post-war politicsDictionaries can give us an insight into the history of a certain period and its political, social and cultural aspects. Therefore, this article has explored the image of the Germans and German-Polish relations in post-war times found in the monolingual Polish dictionary Słownik języka polskiego 1958–1969. The author conducted this analysis by reviewing all the headwords listed under certain letters A, B, C, Ć, K, Z, Ź and Ż in this dictionary, then examining the example sentences she found which mentioned these topics. Results show that although the topic of Germany occurs rarely in the dictionary, the example sentences that do contain references to the Germans reveal a negative image which corresponds to the widespread Polish image of the Germans in post-war times.


2020 ◽  
pp. 210-218
Author(s):  
Olena Podobied

Review: Larissa Zaleska Onyshkevych. Bombs, Borders, and Two Right Shoes. World War II Through the Eyes of a Refugee Child. Lviv: Litopys publ., 2018. 258 p. It is proved that the book of memoirs by Larysa Zaleska Onyshkevych is a valuable source on the history of Displaced Persons and refugees from Ukraine in post war West Germany. We can learn from its pages how refugee children lived, what they felt, what they dreamed about, what they were afraid of during the DP era, what factors influenced the formation of their worldview and civic position.


2008 ◽  
pp. 177-205
Author(s):  
Adam Kopciowski

In the early years following World War II, the Lublin region was one of the most important centres of Jewish life. At the same time, during 1944-1946 it was the scene of anti-Jewish incidents: from anti-Semitic propaganda, accusation of ritual murder, economic boycott, to cases of individual or collective murder. The wave of anti-Jewish that lasted until autumn of 1946 resulted in a lengthy and, no doubt incomplete, list of 118 murdered Jews. Escalating anti-Jewish violence in the immediate post-war years was one of the main factors, albeit not the only one, to affect the demography (mass emigration) and the socio-political condition of the Jewish population in the Lublin region


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